02 January 2018
Catalonia in deadlock, and why that is a European problem
The Catalan territorial conflict is stuck. No clear solutions are on the table after the elections of December 21st. Catalans and Spaniards are failing so far to find solutions to the problem. But it is our European common problem and our common responsibility to try to help them. More specifically, EU institutions should be doing much more of what they have done so far. I blame them for their passivity in the last couple of months. Continue reading >>
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30 December 2017
„A Good Constitution” and the Habits of Heart
Unless we want to complete an obituary for the rule of law in 2018, the challenge should be clear. While improving constitutional safeguards against the excesses of any majority is of utmost importance, it is insufficient. What is needed this time is moving beyond text text and on to building the context in which a constitution will prosper. Continue reading >>27 December 2017
Some Thoughts on Authoritarian Backsliding
In December I took part in a number of discussions, including at two interesting conferences – one in Nijmegen (the Netherlands) and the other in Berlin. Both of these conferences were on the subject of the return of authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe, and I believe the points raised at them are worth sharing. Continue reading >>26 December 2017
Doppelpass in Südtirol?
In ihrem Regierungsabkommen nehmen die ÖVP und die FPÖ in Aussicht, „den Angehörigen der Volksgruppen deutscher und ladinischer Muttersprache in Südtirol (...) die Möglichkeit einzuräumen, zusätzlich zur italienischen Staatsbürgerschaft die österreichische Staatsbürgerschaft zu erwerben”. Es ist unwahrscheinlich, dass es je zum Doppelpass kommen wird. Zu zahlreich, zu verzwickt sind die rechtlichen Schwierigkeiten. Dabei ist Italiens eigene Staatsbürgerschaft-Politik selbst alles andere als fehlerfrei. Continue reading >>23 December 2017
The European Commission’s Activation of Article 7: Better Late than Never?
On Wednesday, the European Commission reacted to the continuing deterioration of the rule of law situation in Poland. The remaining question, of course, is why this argument has been used in the context of 7(1) as opposed of 7(2) given that the situation on the ground in Poland is clearly – in the view of the Commission, the Venice Commission and countless other actors – one of clear and persistent breach of values, as opposed to a threat thereof. The explanation might lie beyond the simple difficulty of the procedural requirements related to the sanctioning stage. Continue reading >>
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21 December 2017
Cats, Constitutions and Crises: Dissemination of Research on the Rule of Law Crisis in Poland in a Social Media Age
On "Ceiling Sejm", the Cat, GIF Memes and other ways to fight for the rule of law in Poland in the age of social media and to reach millennials with legal academic expertise. Continue reading >>What’s in a Name? The Republic of Macedonia at the Crossroads
Forming of the new Government on 31st of May 2017 marked the beginning of the end of one of the most serious political crisis that Republic of Macedonia has lived through from its independence. The country was faced with challenges both on the domestic front – the dissolution of the democratic institutions and backsliding to authoritarianism, and on the international front as well – worsening of the relations with its neighbors. One of the first steps taken by the new government was to renew the ties with its Southern neighbor – Greece and to continue the talks over the name issue. After a period of three years, the representatives from both countries started negotiating again in order to resolve the name dispute and the security implications of this prolonged dispute on the Balkan region. But by all means the renewal of the negotiations is only just a beginning of the lengthy path of rebuilding the trust and solving the issue that has been a huge burden especially to the R. Macedonia’s integration in EU and NATO. Continue reading >>20 December 2017
Taking the EU-Turkey Deal to Court?
The EU-Turkey deal on the return of refugees is one of the most controversial policy steps taken by the EU in recent years. The EU General Court chose to sidestep the difficult legal questions raised by the deal by dismissing these cases, ruling it had no jurisdiction to review the deal on the ground that the Statement was not an act of Union institutions, but that of Member States. Will the CJEU use this opportunity to set the record straight by establishing who had the competence to conclude the EU-Turkey deal? Continue reading >>
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19 December 2017
Das abgekaufte Grundrecht: Verfassungswidrige Rückkehrförderung
Das Innenministerium hat Anfang des Monats ein neues Programm zur Förderung der „freiwilligen“ Ausreise von Ausländerinnen und Ausländern aufgelegt. Wer sich bis Ende Februar 2018 zur Rückkehr entscheidet, kann „Reintegrationsunterstützung im Bereich Wohnen“ im Wert von bis zu 3.000 Euro erhalten. Das Programm ist Teil einer Rückkehrförderung, die Schutzsuchende zur Rücknahme von Asylanträgen bewegen will. Damit steht sie im Widerspruch zur Verfassung. Continue reading >>18 December 2017
Next Stop on the Way to Constitutional Disarray in Poland: Electoral Law Reform
Last Thursday, the Sejm has passed another hugely controversial law that might change the constitutional setup in Poland without changing a letter of the constitution itself. The law claims, according to its title, to „increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies“ (doc. 2001). In large parts, it consists of amendments to the Polish Electoral Code (E.C). Its adoption is opposed by the parliamentary opposition, by the electoral administration bodies and by many experts. The enactment of this law would violate the principle of a democratic state ruled by law in three ways. Continue reading >>
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14 December 2017
Tu, felix Austria, nube! Ehe für alle – jetzt auch in Österreich
Der österreichische Verfassungsgerichtshof hat festgestellt, dass die Unterscheidung zwischen der Ehe als Rechtsinstitut für verschiedengeschlechtliche Paare und der eingetragenen Partnerschaft für gleichgeschlechtliche Paare gegen das Diskriminierungsverbot des Gleichheitsgrundsatzes der österreichischen Bundesverfassung verstößt. Als erstes Verfassungsgericht Europas hat der VfGH daher die unterschiedlichen Regelungen für verschieden- und gleichgeschlechtliche Paare aufgehoben. Continue reading >>
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12 December 2017
A Bridge over Troubled Water – a Criminal Lawyers’ Response to Taricco II
The recent CJEU judgment in M.A.S., M.B. (hereinafter Taricco II) [...] Continue reading >>
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11 December 2017
Im Technokraten-Panzer auf dem Weg zur Europäischen Armee
Heute hat der Rat der EU das so genannte PESCO-Projekt beschlossen. Es soll wesentlich zur Errichtung einer europäischen Verteidigungsunion beitragen. Es ist rundweg zum Staunen, wie sich nach all den kritischen europapolitischen Grundsatzdiskussionen der vergangenen Jahre bei der Militär- und Rüstungsintegration offenbar die Fehler der Vergangenheit wiederholen. Es ist das technokratisch-funktionalistische Europa, das hier voranschreitet, und nicht das demokratische Europa, das aus der offenen Diskussion der europäischen Bürgerschaft entsteht. Continue reading >>07 December 2017
Belittling the Primacy of EU Law in Taricco II
The Taricco II judgement handed down by the CJEU on 5 December 2017 is a telling and worrying example of a weakly reasoned court decision and the high price at which such weakness comes. It is a judgement that disregards legally problematic questions, seemingly subordinating argumentative consistency to the constraints of legal policy in a climate increasingly critical towards EU law and institutions. The (potential) collateral damage of this approach is considerable. Continue reading >>Nur noch auf einem Ohr taub
Kann man Tschetschenen nach Russland ausliefern? Das Bundesverfassungsgericht bestätigt das Recht auf Sachaufklärung im Auslieferungsverfahren, verkennt aber die Reichweite der Anhörungspflicht. Continue reading >>06 December 2017
Zum Beten in den Keller?
Die Universität Hamburg hat einen Verhaltenskodex veröffentlicht, der den Umgang mit unterschiedlichen Vorstellungen zur Religionsausübung an der UHH grundsätzlich regeln soll. Allerdings lässt die Ausgestaltung zu wünschen übrig. Es fehlt an praktischer Konkordanz und ironischerweise entfaltet eine angeblich dem Abbau von Diskriminierung dienende Maßnahme selbst eine geschlechterspezifisch diskriminierende Wirkung. Continue reading >>Criticizing the new President of the Polish Constitutional Court: A Crime against the State?
L'état c'est moi. Thus said France’s Louis XIV, and thus seems to think of herself Julia Przyłębska – since the 2016 “coup” against the Constitutional Court in Poland, she is the President of that Court, de facto appointed to the post by the man who runs Poland these days, Jarosław Kaczyński. Last October a Polish oppositional daily, Gazeta Wyborcza, described how she allegedly colluded with the Polish State security in the pursuit of her position at the Constitutional Court. Przyłębska tried to defend herself by using criminal-law instruments otherwise designed to protect the State. "By attacking me, you attack the State,” she seems to suggest. Continue reading >>What’s in a name? A Brexit we can all enjoy
Northern Ireland will have a ,hard Brexit' as any other part of the UK and, at the same time, be subject to a ,regulatory alignment' with the Republic of Ireland and, hence, the EU. Such is the elegance of this solution, that one might be tempted to mistake it for a genuine policy innovation. In fact, using a made up name for something that you are already doing and calling it ‘new’ has a long pedigree and has been used aplenty. Continue reading >>05 December 2017
Defusing the Taricco Bomb through Fostering Constitutional Tolerance: All Roads Lead to Rome
As Mauro Cappelletti perceptively wrote in 1986, ‘unlike the American Supreme Court and the European Constitutional Courts, the Court of Justice has almost no powers that are not ultimately derived from its own prestige, intellectual and moral force of its opinions’. In other terms, the Court of Justice (‘ECJ’) cannot take obedience to its judgments by Member States and the respective authorities as granted or constitutionally-mandated since, in Weiler’s words, this is a voluntary obedience which goes hand in hand with the exercise of constitutional tolerance in the Member States. In other words, there is a time for the enforcement of the radical primacy of EU law as in Melloni and Taricco I, and a time for internalizing the counterlimits, as in the Taricco II decision (M.A.S. and M.B. case) handed down today by the ECJ. Continue reading >>
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04 December 2017