Democratizing the Euro Area without the European Parliament: Benoît Hamon’s “T-Dem”

On the 10th March, the official candidate of the Socialist Party for the French presidential elections, Benoît Hamon, outlined his programme for the European Union. This programme, whilst being against austerity and in favour of more flexibility as regards EU requirements in terms of public budgets and public debts, comes with a treaty proposal, the draft treaty on the democratization of the governance of the euro area (dubbed « T-Dem »). This treaty, which was prepared by the candidate together with the superstar economist Thomas Piketty (who has joined his team) is supposed to bring more democracy to the governance of the Euro area. However noble (and necessary) this ambitious idea might seem, the way this draft treaty has been engineered raises not only political but also legal questions. Continue reading >>

The CJEU on Humanitarian Visa: Discovering ‘Un-Chartered’ Waters of EU Law

Limiting the scope of EU law vis-à-vis national legislative measures is one thing but creating un-Chartered territory in EU law is another. It is understandable why the Court would want to stay away from the currently toxic migration politics. But it is worrying that it is willing to further limit the scope of the Charter when it might be needed the most. Continue reading >>

Helene Heuser

Sanctuary Cities in Deutschland: Widerstand gegen die Abschiebepolitik der Bundesregierung

Sanctuary Cities nennen sich in den USA und Kanada Städte, die sich weigern, an der Abschiebungspolitik des Bundesstaates mitzuwirken. Die Idee dazu etablierte sich in den 80er Jahren in Nordamerika und verbreitete sich weiter nach Großbritannien, wo sich verschiedene Städte zusammengeschlossen haben, die die Kultur der Gastfreundschaft und des Willkommens beleben möchten und das Ziel haben, dass sich geflüchtete Menschen dort sicher fühlen. Nun gründen sich auch in deutschen Städten Initiativen, die sich Ähnliches für ihre Kommunen wünschen. Continue reading >>

Pauline Endres de Oliveira

Humanitäre Visa für Flüchtlinge, Teil 1: Nicht mit der EU

In seinem jüngsten Urteil "X und X v. Belgien" musste sich der EuGH erstmals mit der Gretchenfrage des Flüchtlingsrechts befassen: Der Frage nach legalem Zugang zu Schutz. Was besagt das Non-Refoulement-Gebot in Situationen fernab von der Grenze, wenn eine Person gegenüber einer Botschaft ein Schutzgesuch äußert? Wie weit reicht die (extraterritoriale) Verantwortung für den Flüchtlingsschutz? Gibt es nicht nur eine Notwendigkeit, sondern auch die Pflicht legale Zugangswege für Flüchtlinge in die EU zu ermöglichen? Bedauerlicherweise sucht der EuGH in seiner Entscheidung erst gar nicht nach einer Antwort auf diese Fragen, sondern stellt lediglich fest, dass sie jedenfalls nicht im EU-Recht zu finden sei – das sei hier nämlich gar nicht anwendbar. Continue reading >>

Marcin Matczak

An Eye for an Eye: Law as an Instrument of Revenge in Poland

You question our judges, we question yours: This tit-for-tat strategy has recently been redeployed by the Polish governing party PiS and now jeopardizes the Supreme Court. The message is clear: whoever wishes to use their legal powers against the government can be sure the government will strike back. Continue reading >>

Laurent Pech, Kim Lane Scheppele

Poland and the European Commission, Part III: Requiem for the Rule of Law

On 20 February 2017, the Polish government has replied to the European Commission’s rule of law findings. That reply is so clearly absurd, rude and full of ‘alternative facts’ that the case to trigger the sanction mechanism in Art 7 TEU promptly is more compelling than ever. It is time for Member State governments to get their act together and make explicit their disapproval of a government that finds it acceptable not only to violate its national Constitution and EU values in plain sight but also to bully and disrespect EU representatives such as Frans Timmermans and Donald Tusk. Continue reading >>

Marine Le Pen: a Constitutional Program Threatening the French Constitutional Regime

The recent publication of Marine Le Pen’s presidential program has been followed by many comments from the media, specialists and policy makers analysing her economic, social or security propositions. But one particular point has been missed: the different constitutional amendments she intends to achieve. With this constitutional program, her goal is to deeply reform the organization of the French state and its institutions. It is an unnamed constitutional revolution since Ms. Le Pen’s objective is to strike down French liberal democracy in order to in store an almost absolutist presidential regime. Continue reading >>

Nikos Skoutaris

Limiting the Constitutional Space of Scotland and Northern Ireland

Scotland might soon be having a second independence referendum, and Ireland is pushing for Northern Ireland rejoining the EU after Brexit. Why does the noble idea of a differentiated Brexit, that could absorb some of the tensions created by UK’s future withdrawal from the EU, seem to lose traction even within the political elites of Scotland and Northern Ireland? One possible answer might be that the UK political and constitutional framework does not provide for a supportive environment. In fact, the judgment of the Supreme Court in Miller points to the limits of the UK political and constitutional order to accommodate the demands of the devolved nations. Continue reading >>

Alexander Tischbirek

Staatskirchenrecht aus Luxemburg?

Wer wissen will, wie das Verhältnis von Staat und Kirche in Deutschland geregelt ist, hat es ohnehin schon schwer. Noch mehr verkompliziert sich das Bild, wenn darüber hinaus das Unionsrecht auf den Plan tritt. Zwar ist die Rechtsprechung des Gerichtshofs der Europäischen Union hier bisher noch überschaubar. Doch lässt das Jahr 2017 einige Luxemburger Weichenstellungen erwarten, die auch die religionsrechtliche Diskussion in Deutschland bestimmen werden – und zwar nicht unbedingt zu Gunsten der Kirchen. Continue reading >>