20 April 2020
Gegen obrigkeitsstaatliche Tendenzen in der Krise
Als Korrelat zur krisenbedingten Rechtfertigung von Grundrechtseingriffen ergibt sich aus dem Prinzipiencharakter der Grundrechte eine Schutzpflicht des Staates, im Rahmen des Möglichen und nach Maßgabe dessen, was erforderlich und verhältnismäßig ist, eine Situation herbeizuführen, in der die Beschränkungen wieder aufgehoben werden können. Wenn das richtig sein sollte, hat das auch wichtige Konsequenzen für die Art und Weise, in der Diskussionen über die Lockerung der Coronamaßnahmen geführt werden sollten und nach welchen Maßstäben die Arbeit der Regierung/en sinnvollerweise beurteilt wird. Continue reading >>
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19 April 2020
The State of Emergency Virus
The current pandemic is said to be the worst health crisis the world has experienced for a century. Beyond causing thousands to die and millions to lose their jobs, it has also caused more than ever before governments to declare a state of emergency and, thus, to considerably broaden their own competencies. Previous experience, however, has shown that governments do not use their additional powers to save lives but, rather, to make themselves better off. Considering that more than half of the world’s democracies have declared a state of emergency, the rule of law will be subject to a number of dangers in the following months. Continue reading >>Domestic Courts Pushing for a Workable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU
On 17 February 2020, the Oberlandesgericht Karlsruhe passed a decision in a surrender case that we expect to shape the future of the LM-test. Its decision can be seen not only as a result of Luxembourg’s unworkable LM test but also as an acknowledgement of the effect of Poland’s muzzle law on the independence of its judiciary. Shortly after, Rechtbank Amsterdam engaged with this decision, thus making it more likely that the CJEU will have to move forward and develop its test into a more meaningful one. Continue reading >>18 April 2020
Europa als Haftungsunion – Europa scheitert an deutschen „Juristen“
Die aktuelle Diskussion um Coronabonds basiert auf der falschen Vorstellung, dass nationale Regierungen ihre Ausgaben durch den Verkauf von Anleihen an „die Märkte“ finanzieren. Während emotional „Solidarität“ eingefordert wird, haben EZB und EU die Weichen schon gestellt, damit sich eine Eurokrise mit Austeritätspolitik nicht wiederholt. Dies wird allerdings mittelfristig nicht ausreichen. Der Euro wird scheitern, wenn die Deutschen nicht einsehen, dass ihre „Juristen“ das Problem völlig verkennen – es geht nicht um Haftung. Continue reading >>Luxembourg’s Unworkable Test to Protect the Rule of Law in the EU
A key rule of law case illustrating the conversation taking place between national judges and the Court of Justice about the how-to of rule of law protection is the CJEU’s LM ruling dealing with the implementation of the European Arrest Warrant. In it the CJEU developed a test to balance mutual trust and individual rights, particularly the right to a fair trial. The Rechtbank Amsterdam and the Karlsruhe Oberlandesgericht applied Luxembourg’s LM test with respect to Polish suspects in a series of recent (interlocutory) rulings. This national case-law is interesting both for its immediate outcome (suspension of surrenders) and its implicit message to Luxembourg: “Sorry, we tried, but your test is unworkable.” Continue reading >>
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17 April 2020
COVID, Crisis and Change in Global Governance
Crises facilitate change: they remove obstacles which, in normal times, favour the status quo. Crises often strengthen existing trends which may have been slowed down by institutional inertia or political resistance. An event of the magnitude of the COVID-19 crisis is likely to have serious consequences in domestic as well as international politics. What will it mean for global governance? Which tendencies is it going to reinforce, which ones will it weaken? Six conjectures. Continue reading >>
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Pandemie und Strafvollzug
Ein Ausbruch des Coronavirus hätte im Gefängnis schwerwiegende Folgen, weshalb unter anderem der Kontakt nach außen stark beschränkt wurde. Auch wenn all diese Einschränkungen dem Schutz der Gefangenen dienen, wirken sich diese für die Gefangenen und ihre Familien teilweise gravierend aus. Insbesondere ihre Rechte aus Art. 6 GG und das Recht auf Resozialisierung sind stark betroffen. Continue reading >>
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Legitimacy in the Time of Coronavirus
In this post, I want to focus on two issues of the many emergent themes in the constitutional politics of pandemic management: expertise and political accountability and the classic tension between legality and legitimacy in EU governance; and particularly what Max Weber, arguably the greatest theorists of political legitimacy, can teach us about these issues in the context of responses to the coronavirus pandemic. Continue reading >>Coronaresistenz der Versammlungsfreiheit?
Endlich. Erstmals zu Corona-Zeiten hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht zugunsten der Versammlungsfreiheit entschieden. Erstmals hat es, seit durch die Ausgangsbeschränkungen „der massivste kollektive Grundrechtseingrifff in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik“ ins Werk gesetzt wurde, ein Grundrecht gegenüber einer damit verbundenen Maßnahme zur Geltung gebracht. Continue reading >>16 April 2020
Von Theorie und Praxis
Viel ist hier bereits zu lesen gewesen, zu den grundsätzlichen Fragen, welche die gegenwärtige Corona-Gesetzgebungs- und -Verordnungspraxis aufwirft. Den fundierten theoretischen Erwägungen der Kolleg*innen sind aber auch Beobachtungen aus der Praxis zu den mittelbaren Auswirkungen der gegenwärtigen Situation zur Seite zu stellen: Für das Asyl- und Flüchtlingsrecht stellt die derzeitige Situation eine ganz eigene Herausforderung dar. Continue reading >>
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Is the Constitution Law for the Court Only?
According to Chancellor Kurz, this is not the time for juridical sophistry (juristische Spitzfindigkeiten). At the end of the day, it would be left to the Constitutional Court to decide on the legality of the COVID-19 measures which, when it will hand down a decision, will have been already revoked. These remarks betray a certain outlook on the authority of constitutional law. Putting the matter starkly, it suggests that the constitution is law for the Constitutional Court only. Continue reading >>
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COVID-19 and Disposable Migrant Workers
Picture this: The world is battling a pandemic, with many countries in lockdown and borders closed. You arrive at a regional airport in northern Romania and wait for hours in the parking lot to board a charter flight. You might end up in Baden-Baden, Berlin or Düsseldorf—it’s hard to know, since no one is telling you what the final destination is. Physical distancing seems not to apply. You are jammed together with 2000 other people waiting to be placed as seasonal workers in the fields of Germany. Asparagus needs to be picked and the new crop need to be planted so the Germans can enjoy uninterrupted production of the spring vegetable through 2020 and 2021. Continue reading >>15 April 2020
Die Auflösung des „Flügels“ in der AfD – Gewinn für die freiheitlich-demokratische Grundordnung?
Für die Verantwortlichen segensreich überschattet von der COVID-19-Pandemie, ereignete sich in der AfD ein in der deutschen Parteiengeschichte bisher wohl einmaliger Vorgang: Eine politische Partei löst nach einer Stellungnahme des Verfassungsschutzes ihre Flügelorganisation offiziell auf. Dies ist nicht nur aus parteienorganisationsrechtlicher Sicht bemerkenswert, sondern macht vor allem die problematische Rolle des Verfassungsschutzes im politischen Prozess deutlich. Continue reading >>Data crossing borders
The cross-border sharing of personal data to combat coronavirus raises questions under the EU General Data Protection Regulation 2016/679 (the GDPR) - two of which will be dealt with here. The first question is whether EU data protection law is flexible enough to allow the international sharing of personal data to fight the pandemic. Secondly, data protection law has traditionally been shaped by pivotal events in history (think of the effect that the reaction to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 had on data protection law), and one can ask what implications the crisis will have on the future development of data transfer regulation. Continue reading >>
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Versammlungsfreiheit – auch in Krisenzeiten!
Die Bundesländer haben in den letzten Wochen durch ihre Verordnungen zur Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie auch weitreichende Beschränkungen der Versammlungsfreiheit (Art. 8 GG) erlassen. Die Versammlungsfreiheit ist als kollektive Meinungsfreiheit für die Demokratie essentiell, wie das Bundesverfassungsgericht seit Jahrzehnten immer wieder unterstreicht. Gerade in Krisenzeiten, in denen Regierungen, Verwaltungen und Sicherheitsbehörden weitreichende Möglichkeiten zu Grundrechtseingriffen haben, ist die Versammlungsfreiheit ein wichtiges demokratisches Korrektiv. Die derzeitigen Krisenregelungen und ihre praktische Anwendung durch Versammlungsbehörden und Polizei werden der Bedeutung der Versammlungsfreiheit für die Demokratie nicht gerecht. Continue reading >>Infringement Procedures in the Time of COVID-19
In the last weeks, members of the European Parliament and observers in the legal and academic community have, explicitly or implicitly, criticised the European Commission and the Court of Justice for their handling of ongoing infringement procedures. Put simply, the two institutions have been criticised for moving the existing cases forward, despite the fact that certain countries (first Italy, then followed by almost all other Member States) are in lockdown and, consequently, their administrations are unable to effectively respond. Continue reading >>
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The Constitutionalized State of Emergency
The late Giovanni Sartori once said that we lacked a general theory of dictatorship. It is very likely that we are also short of a theory of emergency. As the current pandemic has come to show us, not only we still have difficulties to include emergency into our conception of constitutional law; we seem to differ on what emergency means and necessitates and on what should be its place in the functioning of the democratic State. Continue reading >>
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How to protect the Vulnerable?
In the Corona crisis, balancing between containment measures and the protection of fundamental rights becomes even more pressing with respect to vulnerable groups, especially in view of proposals aiming at restricting curfews to high-risk populations. Over-emphasizing their need for protection bears the risk of disregarding their rights and autonomy and one-sidedly imposing paternalistic measures in order to urge a solution and alleviate economic consequences. Continue reading >>
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14 April 2020
Don’t Call a Spade a Shovel
Such concerns are, not only but to a large extent, fueled by the apparent indeterminacy of the terms employed to regulate fake news. This is true for Hungary, but also for France, Russia and several Asian countries, which have already passed fake news legislation. Uncertainties concerning the definition may have discouraged other states from passing similar laws, out of legitimate worries over freedom of expression. In fact, however, many scholars and institutions actually agree on the characteristics of the phenomenon. Continue reading >>
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Abstract panic: On fake news, fear and freedom in Southeast Asia
In Southeast Asia, which is the world’s most dynamic laboratory of fake news legislation, the corona crisis has put previously created laws to practice and sparked additional legislative activity. The professed goal is to prevent public panic. Recent enforcement actions, however, demonstrate the complete irrelevance of any panic indicators. A falsehood’s panic potential is simply assumed. In short, an abstract panic threat is fought with very concrete measures: Arrests and criminal prosecutions. Cases from across Southeast Asia prove the trend, whereas two decisions in Singapore deserve particular attention. Continue reading >>
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