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19 February 2022
Wer wir sind
Identitätskontrolle durch den Europäischen Gerichtshof Continue reading >>17 February 2022
Neutrality of the Olympic Movement and Freedom of Expression
The relationship between sports and neutrality belongs to the most hotly debated topics in international sports law. This blog post illustrates the application of the neutrality principle in practice and argues that the athletes’ freedom of expression in sports is emerging as a ‘concession’ rather than as a ‘right’, suggesting that a reform of the regulations imposed by the Olympic Movement is urgently needed. Continue reading >>
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In Defense of Its Identity
The introduction of rule of law budgetary conditionality, as approved by the Court, is a first step in the right direction. But the Union must go further. Taking a page from fundamental rights and anti-discrimination law, we suggest the systematic, deliberate, and transparent incorporation of rule of law considerations into all Union policies and practices at all stages, from planning and legislation to execution and enforcement, with the aim of actively promoting, realizing, and sustaining the rule of law throughout the Union. Continue reading >>
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16 February 2022
No More Excuses
Sitting as a full court, due to the exceptional importance of the case, the Court of Justice has dismissed the annulment actions brought by the Hungarian and Polish governments against the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation. A non-exhaustive account of the main substantive issues addressed by the Court. Continue reading >>
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Mutual (Dis)trust
Last week, the General Court of the European Union, in its judgment T-791/19 Sped-Pro, recognized for the first time the impact that systematic rule of law deficiencies have on national competition authorities. The judgement is seminal, in that it openly questions the ability of national authorities impacted by rule of law backsliding to effectively enforce EU law. The judgement also goes to the heart of explaining the pivotal constitutional role played by competition law within the EU legal order. Continue reading >>
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08 February 2022
The Re-Emergence of the Athlete Activist
Expressions in support of social justice, inclusion, anti-discrimination and LGBTQI+ rights no longer appear to breach Rule 50. Where Rule 50 could still come into play is where athlete activists seek to demonstrate their support for overtly political causes. The guidance states unequivocally that expressions must not be targeted at people, organisations, or countries. At Beijing 2022, any expression/gesture aimed at an individual politician, the Communist Party of China, or the Chinese state will remain a breach of Rule 50. Continue reading >>
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28 January 2022
Out of Sync
The Federal Elections may indeed have to be repeated in parts of Berlin. What would that mean? Continue reading >>
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Aus dem Takt
Die Bundestagswahl könnte in Teilen von Berlin tatsächlich wiederholt werden müssen. Was würde das bedeuten? Continue reading >>International Migration Law and Coloniality
In European human rights law, it is taken for granted that states have the sovereign right to regulate migration. A right to be admitted to a country of which one is not a national, or a right not to be expelled, exists only in exceptional cases. In this blogpost, I look at the origins of “the right to control the entry of non-nationals”. These are to be found in a shift in the colonial labour system which occurred in the second half of the 19th century. It is this history which explains the inequality represented on the map above. Continue reading >>
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25 January 2022
Time to Rewrite the EU Directive on Combating Terrorism
The adoption of EU Directive 2017/541 on combating terrorism in March 2017 has profoundly changed the landscape of European counter-terrorism law. The primary aim of this Directive was to further harmonise the legal framework under which terrorist offences are prosecuted across EU Member States by establishing minimum rules and standards. However, the adverse consequences for the rule of law and human rights have been overlooked from the very outset by the EU institutions. Now, five years after its adoption, it is time for a thorough revision. Continue reading >>
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24 January 2022
Pushbacks? Never mind, we’re doing it
"Pushback" has been elected Germany’s non-word of the year 2021. The word is rather innocent, the act is the problem. The EU Commission has now submitted a proposal for an amendment of the Schengen Borders Code that allows for irregular arrivals to be returned without effective legal protection. Continue reading >>
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Taking European Judgments Seriously
Today ends the deadline for stakeholder consultations for the 2022 EU rule of law report. The report is a welcome addition to the EU’s rule of law toolbox but it is missing a vital element: the non-implementation of judgments of international courts, including both the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights. Continue reading >>
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21 January 2022
Pushbacks? Egal, wir machen das jetzt so
„Pushback“ ist zum Unwort des Jahres 2021 gekürt worden. Das Wort ist eher unschuldig, die Tat ist das Unding. Die EU-Kommission hat jetzt einen Änderungsvorschlag zum Schengener Grenzkodex vorgelegt, der das ignoriert: Sie schlägt Transfers ohne effektiven Rechtsschutz vor. Continue reading >>
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17 January 2022
Paper Constitutionalism
On January 16, Serbian citizens voted in a referendum on constitutional changes concerning the guarantees of the judicial independence and organization of the judicial sector. According to preliminary results, 57, 4% of citizens voted for the reforms, while 41,6% voted against, with a turnout of not more than 30% of all registered voters. I would argue that constitutional amendments concerning the judiciary should have been postponed for two reasons. Continue reading >>
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14 January 2022
Zuversicht und Vorsicht
Mit etwas Glück wird 2022 ein ganz erfreuliches Jahr Continue reading >>
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11 January 2022
Restoration without the Constitution
After what is now almost a two-decade long rule by the governing party, there are strong indications that a strong reshuffling in Turkish politics is in the works. Support for President Erdogan and his party is declining. I argue, firstly, that it is a combination of factors that has led to this moment of changing fortunes in Turkish politics – a combination that sheds light on what tactics may successfully be employed by opposition forces who wish to put an end to autocracies. Secondly, I claim that constitutional restoration in Turkey does not require formal constitutional change. Continue reading >>
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07 January 2022
Pushbacks against the Child’s Best Interests
The lack of a functional EU-level legal framework, designed for high immigration numbers, contributed to increasing recourse to practices of dissuading migrants away from the EU territory. This did not leave the European Court of Human Rights indifferent and it decided to give a legal green light to pushbacks under certain conditions. The Court applies its jurisprudence equally to all individuals and in all situations. In doing so, however, it violates the principle of the child’s best interests. A more nuanced approach should be taken, guaranteeing special protection to children, in accordance with the principle of the child’s best interests. Continue reading >>
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30 December 2021
A Matter of Pragmatism rather than Principle
Taking into consideration that the backsliding of Turkish democracy during the last ten to fifteen years happened in a piecemeal and often erratic way, only partially based on constitutional amendments, the reverse process should also be possible by gradual legal and, eventually, constitutional changes. Political pragmatism, based on a clear commitment to basic democratic values and societal reconciliation, might be more important for the sustainable recovery of Turkish democracy than a radical constitutional restart. Continue reading >>
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27 December 2021
The Iron Cage of Veneration
From my perspective, the most fundamental question that Arato and Sajó are asking is precisely how committed lawyers and constitutionalists should be to particular political systems that do not, at least on the surface, offer any grounds for optimism that the next election will “vote the rascals out of office” and enable forward movement to achieving the grand aspirations of a liberal constitutional order. Paradoxically or not, one might have more hope about Hungary, Poland, Chile, Brazil, or other countries unafflicted by “veneration” of a constitutional system that, left unreformed, serves as an iron cage, a “clear and present danger” to the actual achievement of liberal constitutional aspirations. Continue reading >>
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24 December 2021
Removing the Cement from Hungary´s Constitutional Edifice
It seems to me that we are asking two questions: First, is Hungary´s constitutional system so damaged that it no longer reflects the core tenets of democratic constitutionalism? My short answer is, yes, but the case needs to be made comprehensively. The second questions is: Could the current constitution be repaired although it is set-up to impede repair? My short answer is: It depends on the post-election context and we should not jump too easily to leave the current legal framework. Continue reading >>
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23 December 2021
Why Throw a Constitution out of the Window Instead of Making it Work?
If the constitution-making and amending by Fidesz with their legally obtained two-thirds majority counted as illegitimate, constitutional revision with a simple majority cannot be acceptable. If the sudden redesign of institutions gave reason for serious concern eleven years ago, it cannot be welcomed now. Continue reading >>
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22 December 2021
Handle with Care
I will, in what follows, seek to answer the overarching question of this symposium, starting from a cautionary Romanian rule of law (RoL) reform tale. Other things being equal, its lessons may be extrapolated to the specific case of hopefully post-Orbánite Hungary. The specific context of Hungary presents, at least apparently, the Romanian problem in reverse, namely, the transition from an authoritarian nationalist regime to a pluralist, European, rule of law order. Continue reading >>
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21 December 2021
Escaping Orbán’s Constitutional Prison
Backsliding democracies around the world all face the problem of how to restore the rule of law. Precisely because it is already embedded in European law, with deep Hungarian roots that have long honored European traditions and its international law obligations, Hungary has the option of simply embracing European law to provide a legal path back to the rule of law Continue reading >>20 December 2021
Do We Want a Constitution?
I argue that especially in highly polarized social contexts and in divided societies, triggering a new constitution-making procedure requires certain conditions that are necessarily lacking in such circumstances. Oddly, even though these initiatives are motivated by the idea of constitutional restoration, they could easily fail for the same reasons as the constitution they try to mend. When – against the usual and unusual odds – new constitutions are adopted in socially adverse circumstances, the outcome will unavoidably carry the deep tensions and one-sidedness of its environment. Continue reading >>
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Effective Accountability Mechanisms in Austrian Constitutional Culture
Former Austrian chancellor Sebastian Kurz, who dominated the political arena in the last years, left politics at the begin of December 2021. The strengthening of two constitutional accountability mechanisms strongly contributed to this downfall: First, the competence to establish a parliamentary committee of inquiry without a parliamentary majority, and second, the strengthening of the public prosecutors' independence. Continue reading >>
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19 December 2021
Four Recommendations for Constitutional Restoration in Hungary
For the first time ever in Hungary, a national primary was held to elect the prime ministerial candidate for the opposition, sparking discussions on constitutional restoration, in particular on amending or replacing the 2011 constitution, the Fundamental Law (FL). Following a brief description of the Hungarian institutional and constitutional landscape, I outline several suggestions as to how the question of constitutional restoration in Hungary might be addressed. Continue reading >>
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17 December 2021
A Hard Year
A look back on 2021 and the most-read Verfassungsblog posts Continue reading >>
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Ein hartes Jahr
Ein Blick zurück auf 2021 und die meistgelesenen Verfassungsblog-Posts Continue reading >>
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16 December 2021
Governance or Revolution?
The call from Andrew Arato and Andras Sajó starts an important and timely debate. It is indeed a thorny question in which cases a formal breach of constitutional norms is the only way to restore constitutionalism. I make three claims: First, while the potential opposition government’s legislative power will indeed be constrained, it will not be entirely powerless. Second, many of these constraints do not stem from constitutional provisions per se, but from informal practices within constitutional organs, and thus cannot be addressed by only formal constitutional changes, revolutionary or otherwise. Third, in the present situation a calculated formal breach of the constitution will most likely lead to civilian strife, political paralysis and radicalization. It will also have the potential to destabilize the European Union. Continue reading >>
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Chekhov’s Gun
On 9 November, the Fidesz-majority in the parliament passed an amendment on the registration of permanent addresses in Hungary, which allows to register a permanent address without actually living there. In addition, creating a fictional address will no longer be a punishable crime, as the parliament also modified the Penal Code by deleting this specific case from the provisions of document falsification. This legislative step opens the floodgates of voter tourism for the Spring parliamentary elections creating legal but unfair and undemocratic possibilities for winning the most competitive Single Member Districts. Continue reading >>
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The Conference on the Future of Europe as an Institutional Illusion
The Conference on the Future of Europe is currently underway on the basis of the joint Declaration of 10 March 2021. Nine months after the Joint Declaration there is ample evidence from the Conference that allows us to assess this institutional event. The Conference might best be described as a campaign to stimulate public interest for EU politics. It is clear that the Conference has neither the legal basis nor the institutional character to address the Union's structural problems in the face of great challenges. Continue reading >>
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15 December 2021
On Constitutional Transition out of Hybrid Regimes
In the context of hybrid regimes, where constitutional change is gradual, the search for a magical (if not revolutionary) ‘moment’ of constitutional reset is futile. Instead, constitutional scholarship is better off with envisioning a process of constitutional (re-)settlement through legally imperfect processes of trial and error. Continue reading >>
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Full Steam Back
On 10 December 2021, almost exactly five years after its infamous Identity Decision, the Hungarian Constitutional Court was expected by the Government to declare the ECJ Judgement C-808/08 to be contrary to Hungary’s constitutional identity. But as a big surprise for many, the Court dodged the conflict and avoided to offer arguments against the supremacy of EU law to the Hungarian Government. Unlike Poland, it has only just prevented a full-blown conflict with the EU. Continue reading >>
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14 December 2021
Restoring Self-Governance
Sometimes, probably often, the new anti-authoritarian majority will not be large enough to satisfy the requirements of the nation’s amendment rule for constitutional change. What can be done under those circumstances? One possibility, of course, is simply to push through constitutional change without regard to the pre-existing amendment rule. Sometimes that will be enough. Sometimes it won’t – particularly where the idea of legality has powerful political support. Where simply bulling ahead with constitutional change seems unlikely to be productive, what can be done? The answer, I believe, combines foundational constitutional theory and practical political reality. Continue reading >>
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13 December 2021
Restoring Constitutionalism in Hungary
Even if the opposition will win the 2022 election in Hungary, it is very unlikely that the new governing parties will reach the two-third majority which according to the current rules is necessary to enact a brand new constitution or even to amend Fidesz’s ‘illiberal’ constitution. Yet, amending Hungary's Fundamental Law by a simple majority would be an unacceptable but also unnecessary break of legality. But it should also be avoided that a new democratic government would have to govern in the long run within the framework of the present ‘illiberal’ Fundamental Law. Continue reading >>
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11 December 2021
How to Return from a Hybrid Regime to Constitutionalism in Hungary
Revolutionary proponents of instant radical solutions are offering Jacobin moralist arguments about the evilness of the old legal system and enthusiastic political slogans about a bright future under the new Constitution, but they are staying silent about the most likely outcome of their plans: massive armed violence. Continue reading >>
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10 December 2021
Outside the Walls
Scholarship, its freedom, its outside, and us Continue reading >>09 December 2021
“La légalité nous tue”
It is not out of question that the united Hungarian opposition will obtain Parliamentary majority in 2022, but a constituent supermajority of two thirds remains wishful thinking. Winning the election will not result in actual governmental power. The Fundamental Law was a nice opportunity to purge constitutional institutions. Is another round of purge inevitable with the restoration of the rule of law? The dictates of necessity offer an unappealing perspective and textbook constitutionalism is not prepared for dirty reality. Continue reading >>06 December 2021
Questions of Integrity
Many have rightly criticized the Commission for failing to robustly defend the EU’s founding values from academic freedom, to media freedom, to judicial independence, to the rights of refugees or the LGBT community. In these discussions, the Commission’s failure to take action against another form of discrimination is generally ignored: discrimination against national minorities. Looking at the example of Hungarian communities in other member states, this post highlights the Commission’s failure to defend ethnic or national minorities against discrimination. This is in stark contrast with the fact that the protection of and respect for minorities is a founding value of the EU, ranked equally to democracy, rule of law and human dignity. Continue reading >>29 November 2021
M.H. v. Croatia: Shedding Light on the Pushback Blind Spot
In the recent judgment of M.H. v Croatia, the European Court of Human Rights has recognized for the first time the pushback of migrants and asylum-seekers from Croatia. The case centers around the death of six-year-old Afghan Madina Hussiny, who was struck by a train after she and her family members were denied access to asylum, instructed by police officers to follow train tracks towards Serbia and pushed back from Croatian territory without individualized examinations of their circumstances. Her tragic death in Croatia — like that of Alan Kurdi in Greece or of Mawda in Belgium — put European audiences face-to-face with the unjust and deadly impact of Europe’s immigration policies. Continue reading >>26 November 2021
Nuts and Bolts
The traffic-light coalition strives to enact another electoral reform within a year - with or without the opposition? Continue reading >>
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The Sanctity of Preliminary References
A national supreme court must not declare a request for a preliminary ruling by a lower court unlawful on the ground that the referred questions are irrelevant and unnecessary for the original case. This has been held by the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) in its important decision C-564/19 IS. In addition, the CJEU held that EU law also precludes disciplinary proceedings from being brought against national judges on the ground that they made a reference for a preliminary ruling. The case also raises important questions to what extent preliminary rulings can be effective against rule-of-law decline and make up for political EU institutions’ failure to use adequate EU tools of supervision and enforcement. Continue reading >>
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Securitizing asylum seeking in speech and practice in Finland
The presence of a strong security paradigm in Finnish migration law, policy and court practice is not a new phenomenon. What has become most prevalent is the securitization of asylum seeking. For a long time, this speech has not turned into practice, but this may soon change, in response to the migration influx after 2015 and in the Belarussian context. Continue reading >>
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23 November 2021
On A Road to Nowhere
On Wednesday 24 November the Polish Constitutional Tribunal will, once again, review the extent to which existing international legal obligations, that were freely entered into by the Republic of Poland, are actually compatible with the Polish Constitution. Continue reading >>
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19 November 2021
Majority
The Virus, the Vaccination and the Possibility of Being Outvoted Continue reading >>
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17 November 2021