Jillian C. York
Policies intended to limit the ability of terrorist groups to organize, recruit, and incite — as well as for individuals to praise such groups — have been expanded in recent years via content moderation efforts online, and often result in the erasure of not only extremist expression, but human rights documentation, counterspeech, and art.
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Cem Tecimer
The 9/11 attacks exposed the precariousness of the public sphere, however, they did not result in a dramatic shift in the Turkish public sphere. Rather, the coup attempt of 2016 turned out to be Turkey’s “9/11 moment.”
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Jacob Rowbottom
The horrifying nature and unpredictability of terrorist attacks in the past two decades meant that in the UK, the extensions of state power had considerable public support in the years following 9/11. While useful to authorities dealing with an unpredictable threat, there are several factors in the laws that provide a potent recipe to erode expression rights.
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Imran Parray
India's complex interlocking of securitization and freedom of expression poses a serious challenge to democratic ideals of free speech. Today, we witness increased targeting of journalists and activists across the country. In particular, conflict-ridden regions have presented a more serious situation where journalists face accusations of conspiring with the enemies of the state. The growing practice of muzzling the press and forums of public debate has created a culture of fear among the civil society, which directly affects the quality of democracy and free speech.
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Ge Chen
The Chinese government’s suppression of Internet speech is almost legendary. It forms an impregnable cornerstone of what Oxford professor Stein Ringen dubbed the Party-state’s “perfect dictatorship”. China's approach to terrorist speech must me understood within the entire picture of China’s developing agenda of taming speech online.
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Ash Bhagwat
In the United States the actual impact of 9/11 and the subsequent “War on Terror” on speech and press freedoms has been complex, and in many ways much less than expected. In fact, free speech rights vis-à-vis the government remain largely robust in the United States; the real conflicts and issues today concern the role of private Internet companies, notably social media, in restricting free speech.
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Sofia Ranchordas
Smart-city surveillance is not always used “for the good.” Instead, the faces of regime opponents or, in other contexts, underrepresented minorities, are often self-incriminating elements. It is clear that smart cities pose important problems to privacy and that technology-infused urban spaces bring as many benefits as challenges. I argue that we should be particularly critical of the employment of surveillance technologies in slums because they are by definition vulnerable places from different perspectives.
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, Christian Perrone
For the past twenty years, Brazil has been torn between the paths of public security and mass surveillance, and of reaffirming human rights, especially the right to privacy. An interesting duality has emerged: on the one hand, the creation of a robust regime in terms of data protection and, on the other, a wholehearted acceptance of facial recognition technology.
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A closer look at the use of surveillance measures by public authorities in Sweden following 9/11 reveals that once it began, the development can perhaps best be described as displaying a ‘ketchup effect’; where you open the bottle and at first nothing comes out, and then it all comes out at once and you have effectively ruined your dish (which, depending on your view of ketchup, may have been doomed from the moment you picked up the bottle).
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Monika Zalnieriute
As protest movements are gaining momentum across the world, with Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter, and strong pro-democracy protests in Chile and Hong Kong are taking centre stage, governments around the world are increasing their surveillance capacities in the name of “protecting the public” and “addressing emergencies”. Australia is not an exception to this trend.
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Albert Fox Cahn, Evan Enzer
Throughout the post-9/11 period, we’ve seen the courts fail to check the growth of the surveillance state, inviting and sanctioning new abuses. But we do see reason for hope. The expansion of the surveillance state is increasingly taking center stage in American political discourse. While it’s unclear if America’s political, legal, and constitutional systems will ever fully recover from the post-9/11 moment, it is clear that only mass political movement will be able to edge back us from the precipice of authoritarianism and reassert constitutional checks and the rule of law.
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Jaana Palander, Saara Pellander
The presence of a strong security paradigm in Finnish migration law, policy and court practice is not a new phenomenon. What has become most prevalent is the securitization of asylum seeking. For a long time, this speech has not turned into practice, but this may soon change, in response to the migration influx after 2015 and in the Belarussian context.
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Audrey Macklin
At the broadest level, 9/11 exacerbated the chronic precarity of non-citizens’ status as legal subjects governed under the rule of law. In principle, the rule of law is indifferent to citizenship: after all, the legal subject is constituted through subjection to law, not to the state as such. And yet, the rule of law has always been insipid in the sphere of migration, and securitization diluted it even further. This is true across all jurisdictions, including those bound by human rights entrenched in constitutional texts.
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Giacomo Orsini, Jean-Baptiste Farcy, Sarah Smit, Laura Merla
With liminal legal spaces expanding on several domains of non-EU migrants’ lives in Europe, specific populations of third country nationals came to face greater discriminatory treatment. Rules and procedures were being adopted in the name of security and the protection of the public and/or social order against so-called “irregular migration”. We focus on non-EU migrants in Belgium, as they constitute an extremely relevant case to illustrate how institutions of a liberal, democratic European state have transformed and adapted the ways they operate discrimination along racist lines.
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Mohsin Alam Bhat
Indien hat komplexe rechtliche Mechanismen geschaffen, die den Status der Staatsbürgerschaft stark verunsichert haben. Diese Mechanismen erlauben es, Personen willkürlich als mutmaßliche Ausländer ins Visier zu nehmen, stellen unzumutbare Beweisanforderungen für den Nachweis der Staatsbürgerschaft und erleichtern den schleichenden Verlust materieller Rechte - und das alles ohne formellen Entzug des Staatsbürgerschaftsstatuses. Diese Prozesse lassen sich meiner Meinung nach am besten als das verstehen, was Peter Nyers als "Irregularisierung der Staatsbürgerschaft" bezeichnet.
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Mohsin Alam Bhat
India has created complex legal mechanisms that have introduced severe insecurity of citizenship status. These mechanisms permit arbitrary targeting of persons as suspected foreigners, place unreasonable evidentiary standards for proving citizenship, and facilitate creeping loss of substantive rights – all without a formal revocation of citizenship status. These processes, I suggest, are best understood as what Peter Nyers calls ‘irregularizing citizenship’.
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Peter Billings
Obwohl der Zusammenhang zwischen Terrorismus und Asyl in Australien keine empirische Grundlage hat, haben bestimmte Gesetze, Maßnahmen und Praktiken, die im Jahr 2001 zur Terrorismusbekämpfung eingeführt wurden, bis heute Bestand - insbesondere die Offshore-Abfertigung von Asylbewerbern, die auf dem Seeweg ankommen. Ich behaupte, dass Australiens Abschreckungsmodell eine negative "Signalwirkung" auf die heutige Asylpolitik und -praxis einiger europäischer Staaten hatte.
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Peter Billings
The Australian government’s agenda of progressive border securitization was, initially, sustained by counter-terrorism rhetoric. However, the focus of concern has shifted away from the potential terrorist threat posed by asylum seekers towards deterring unauthorised maritime migration. Though the nexus between terrorism and asylum lacks an empirical basis in Australia, certain laws, policies and practices premised on counterterrorism in 2001 endure to this day – offshore processing of asylum seekers arriving by sea, notably. I argue that Australia’s deterrence model has had a negative ‘signalling effect’ on some European states’ contemporary asylum policies and practice.
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Julia Gelhaar
After the attacks of September 11, 2001, Europeanization received a [...]
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Emilie McDonnell
The Nationality and Borders Bill is the culmination of the UK government’s increasingly securitised, criminalised and hostile approach to asylum and migration. While 9/11 served to solidify the highly dubious nexus between migration and terrorism, the UK (alongside other destination states) has for decades been implementing restrictive migration policies and practices designed to deter and prevent asylum seekers and other migrants from reaching its territories and accessing safety.
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Ay?e Dicle Ergin
Even though 9/11 has had a significant impact on the global linking of migration and security, different triggers may be required for each country for the concrete effects of this approach to emerge. For Turkey, the developments are parallel but delayed. Turkish immigration policy, which was trending towards becoming more liberal and rights-based after 9/11, has suffered a serious break after a series of terrorist attacks in the country.
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The state of the European Union's asylum and migration policy can be summed up as follows: 20 years after the attacks on the Twin Towers, the "war on terror" has become both a cause of people on the move, and serves at the same time as the normative underpinning for the unimaginable arms race that has taken place at the external borders of the EU. Legitimised by the political leadership of the European Union, it is now a reality that the principles of the rule of law have ceased to apply at the EU's external borders without consequence.
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Sangeetha Pillai
Since its earliest days, Australia’s sweeping constitutional powers over aliens and immigration have been drawn on to support broad exclusionary laws. In the two decades since 9/11, the tendency towards exclusion has increased significantly.
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Eleonora Celoria
While concerns over terrorism have not shaped Italian migration policy in a comprehensive way, the increased use of the administrative measure of expulsion of foreigners for counter-terrorism purposes must be questioned. It poses serious challenges to fundamental rights and rule of law principles and might foster a shift from a punitive to a preventive approach in the field of migration control.
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Luicy Pedroza
As much as the comparative study of migration policies has developed recently, it still suffers from a blazing assumption: that states have equal sovereign power to determine their migration policy according to their own interests. The notion of “externalization”, so widely discussed nowadays, reminds us of asymmetries of power. In cases of extreme asymmetry though, as in the relation between Mexico and the United States, the spaces for sovereign decision making on migration policy are extremely thin to nonexistent.
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Ferdinand Weber
Migration and citizenship law are politically configurable matters, like all others. All terrorist threats affect the state's duty to protect life, possibly state infrastructure and the sense of security in the public sphere. Picking up a connection to migration, in contrast to already existing domes-tic right-wing and left-wing extremism, can promise a quick reduction of external dangers in the political competition. Certainly, most people reject an equation of migration and terrorism as politically backwards. However, the image of migration being infiltrated by terrorism is effective.
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Norman Paech
In Einem sind sich politische Parteien, Medien und Öffentlichkeit einig: ob man den Rückzug der Bundeswehr aus Afghanistan nun Desaster, Debakel oder Niederlage nennt, er soll gründlich analysiert werden, und mit ihm der gesamte Einsatz seit 2001. Die völkerrechtliche Legitimation des Kriegseinsatzes steht nicht zur Debatte. Doch muss eine unvoreingenommene Analyse zu dem Ergebnis kommen: der Krieg begann mit einem Verstoß gegen das Völkerrecht, produzierte in seinen 20 Jahren zahlreiche Kriegsverbrechen und endete nun mit einem letzten Bruch des Völkerrechts.
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Obiora Okafor
While the withdrawal phase of allied involvement in Afghanistan has, quite deservedly, generated a lot of attention, controversy and tragedy, broadly speaking, it has not – so far – caused or signaled any significant rupture in the orientation of international law and relations toward weaker states and peoples.
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Corri Zoli
Für manche stellt der demütige Abzug der Vereinigten Staaten und der NATO-Koalitionspartner aus Afghanistan ein angemessenes Ende der Kriege nach dem 11. September 2001 dar. Doch meiner Meinung nach markiert dieser Abzug einen wichtigeren Anfang: unseren unfreiwilligen Eintritt in eine neue Ära der kompetitiven Kriegsführung - wobei Afghanistan nur den Anfang einer neuen Ära globaler Infrastruktur- und Lieferkettenkriege darstellt.
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Corri Zoli
Some argue that the humbling exit of the United States and NATO coalition partners from Afghanistan marks a fitting end to the post-9/11 wars and its conceits. My sense is that this exit marks a more important beginning: our unwitting entry into a new era of competitive warfare—with Afghanistan representing the opening salvo of a new era of global infrastructure and supply chain wars.
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Shaimaa Abdelkarim
Feminist international legal scholarship has been attentive to the gendered framing of the ‘war on terror’, specifically, in relation to proliferating practices of democratisation in third world societies. I suggest that Afghan women’s experiences are integral to challenge the function of human rights in reproducing gender norms.
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Jochen von Bernstorff
We are still in the process of assessing the outcomes of 20 years of Western military and humanitarian presence in Afghanistan, and of a heartless and chaotic withdrawal. The current and somewhat self-centred debates may obscure considerable collateral legal nihilism. My main argument is that the re-interpretation of Art. 51 UN Charter by the US in the context of the so called “war on terror” was (and still is) an attempt to re-introduce new legal justifications for old forms of great power interventionism.
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Thilo Marauhn, Daniel Mengeler, Vera Strobel
Alongside the political question of the consequences of the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, there is also the pressing question of the legal responsibility of the Federal Republic of Germany. We come to the interim conclusion that the Federal Republic of Germany has not fully complied with its obligations to protect fundamental rights - above all the protection of life under Article 2 of the Basic Law - and its obligations under international law.
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Helmut Philipp Aust, Janne Nijman
From the perspective of an international lawyer, the urban dimension of the attacks of 9/11 is conspicuously absent from most of the debates. Yet, there is a hidden story underneath the bigger geopolitical picture and its international legal implications that most of the contributions to this symposium discuss. The 9/11 attacks went for urban symbols that were at the same time global symbols; in the wave of terrorism that followed cities both in the Global North and Global South were the target – physically, politically and culturally. Security is increasingly understood as an urban issue.
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Helmut Philipp Aust, Janne Nijman
Diese urbane Dimension der Anschläge vom 11. September wird in den meisten völkerrechtlichen Debatten auffällig wenig berücksichtigt. Jedoch verbirgt sich hinter den größeren geopolitischen Entwicklungen und den damit verbunden völkerrechtlichen Auswirkungen, eine weitere Geschichte. Die Anschläge vom 11. September 2001 zielten auf urbane Symbole ab, die gleichzeitig globale Symbole waren; in der darauffolgenden Terrorismuswelle waren Städte sowohl im globalen Norden als auch im globalen Süden das Ziel - physisch, politisch und kulturell. Sicherheit wird zunehmend als ein urbanes Thema verstanden.
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Asad Kiyani
Examining how Western states - primarily the US, UK and Canada - approach and develop their exceptional status with respect to allegations of international crimes shows that they pursue ‘exceptionalism’ and its benefits through a variety of strategies. Given the relative standing and power of these states internationally, the risks posed by their tactics may disproportionately burden international institutions and norms rather than the states themselves.
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The Western imaginary of solidarity to distant others has long dominated discussions of Afghanistan. This commentary looks at what might be described as intermediary solidarities - towards local suppletives who have put themselves in harm’s way to aid foreign interventions, primarily Afghan interpreters, employed by Western armies. I contrast a sense of patriotic noblesse oblige to former allies with a more critical international evaluation of the status of these interpreters.
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