Antonio Di Marco
The relationship between sports and neutrality belongs to the most hotly debated topics in international sports law. This blog post illustrates the application of the neutrality principle in practice and argues that the athletes’ freedom of expression in sports is emerging as a ‘concession’ rather than as a ‘right’, suggesting that a reform of the regulations imposed by the Olympic Movement is urgently needed.
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Faraz Shahlaei
While Sport Governing Bodies can regulate freedom of expression for athletes in sports, the current approach of the IOC seems to fail to abide by the standards required under international human rights law. In particular, the lack of clarity on the content and forms of expression banned under Rule 50 of the Olympic Charter seems to conflict with the foreseeability expected by international human rights law.
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Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law, Columbia Global Freedom of Expression
A conversation with Catalina Botero-Marino, Martin Eifert, Matthias Kettemann and Erik Tuchtfeld. Hosted by Alexandra Kemmerer.
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Jillian C. York
Policies intended to limit the ability of terrorist groups to organize, recruit, and incite — as well as for individuals to praise such groups — have been expanded in recent years via content moderation efforts online, and often result in the erasure of not only extremist expression, but human rights documentation, counterspeech, and art.
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Mark James
Expressions in support of social justice, inclusion, anti-discrimination and LGBTQI+ rights no longer appear to breach Rule 50. Where Rule 50 could still come into play is where athlete activists seek to demonstrate their support for overtly political causes. The guidance states unequivocally that expressions must not be targeted at people, organisations, or countries. At Beijing 2022, any expression/gesture aimed at an individual politician, the Communist Party of China, or the Chinese state will remain a breach of Rule 50.
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Throughout history, the IOC always faced tough choices when it dealt with freedom of speech. It attempted to act within the framework of international human rights law whilst it continuously promoted the autonomy of sport from all political interests. At this point, it does not seem that the IOC will move away from its general, apolitical stance.
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Cem Tecimer
The 9/11 attacks exposed the precariousness of the public sphere, however, they did not result in a dramatic shift in the Turkish public sphere. Rather, the coup attempt of 2016 turned out to be Turkey’s “9/11 moment.”
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Antoine Duval, Daniela Heerdt
The Beijing Winter Olympics might constitute a boiling point for the ongoing debate on the freedom of expression of athletes and fans participating in international sporting competitions. This blog symposium brings this debate to a more general audience interested in issues related to human rights, constitutionalization of transnational legal processes and private governance. As an introduction to the contributions, our blog highlights a number of fundamental points which will be at the heart of this discussion.
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Jacob Rowbottom
The horrifying nature and unpredictability of terrorist attacks in the past two decades meant that in the UK, the extensions of state power had considerable public support in the years following 9/11. While useful to authorities dealing with an unpredictable threat, there are several factors in the laws that provide a potent recipe to erode expression rights.
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Stef Scagliola
Today, there appears to be more consensus about the unjust nature of the Dutch/Indonesian war. As a scholar who has studied the evolution of the discourse on this topic, being asked to contribute to a symposium about the relation between decolonisation and human rights, is the perfect occasion to look back.
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Imran Parray
India's complex interlocking of securitization and freedom of expression poses a serious challenge to democratic ideals of free speech. Today, we witness increased targeting of journalists and activists across the country. In particular, conflict-ridden regions have presented a more serious situation where journalists face accusations of conspiring with the enemies of the state. The growing practice of muzzling the press and forums of public debate has created a culture of fear among the civil society, which directly affects the quality of democracy and free speech.
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Ge Chen
The Chinese government’s suppression of Internet speech is almost legendary. It forms an impregnable cornerstone of what Oxford professor Stein Ringen dubbed the Party-state’s “perfect dictatorship”. China's approach to terrorist speech must me understood within the entire picture of China’s developing agenda of taming speech online.
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Jayson Lamchek
Twenty years after 9/11, the definitive problems of democracy globally relate to disinformation and illiberal intolerance. The Philippines, an illustration of post-truth politics that has engulfed the world, is wracked by tensions in society, resulting in attacks on journalists reporting on disfavoured issues and events. The global War on Terror considerably contributed to a turn towards authoritarianism in the Philippines, vis-à-vis the limits of public discourse, and that law reform offers a very limited kind of remedy.
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Ash Bhagwat
In the United States the actual impact of 9/11 and the subsequent “War on Terror” on speech and press freedoms has been complex, and in many ways much less than expected. In fact, free speech rights vis-à-vis the government remain largely robust in the United States; the real conflicts and issues today concern the role of private Internet companies, notably social media, in restricting free speech.
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Merel Dinkla
Being able to reunite with family from abroad falls under the right to family life, one of the fundamental rights every individual is entitled to. Despite this, some Dutch family reunification requirements are potentially at odds with international human rights law standards and the EU Directive 2003/86/EC on the right to family reunification. This problematic state of affairs reflects the ongoing racialization of European borders, and that of Dutch borders in particular.
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Stefan Salomon
The principal function of borders in immigration law is to distinguish between persons and goods which are permitted to enter a territory and those which are not. I call this the filtering function of the border. In this short contribution, I enquire into how this filtering function of the border operates in the context of border controls in the Netherlands. More specifically, I argue that the way border controls are performed in the Netherlands structurally produces racialized subjects.
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Thomas Spijkerboer
In European human rights law, it is taken for granted that states have the sovereign right to regulate migration. A right to be admitted to a country of which one is not a national, or a right not to be expelled, exists only in exceptional cases. In this blogpost, I look at the origins of “the right to control the entry of non-nationals”. These are to be found in a shift in the colonial labour system which occurred in the second half of the 19th century. It is this history which explains the inequality represented on the map above.
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Eline Westra, Saskia Bonjour
Can formerly colonized subjects and their descendants be full and equal citizens of the former metropoles – and if so, what would that look like? In this blogpost, we explore these politics of belonging in European postcolonial polities by looking at different conceptualizations of the relationship between the Dutch state and Surinamese-Dutch citizens and immigrants. While Dutch government discourses tend to represent Surinamese-Dutch as too different to belong to the Dutch Nation, Surinamese-Dutch organisations claimed postcolonial citizenship as different and equal.
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Karin van Leeuwen
Colonialism and decolonization have importantly shaped the constitutional trajectories of not only the colonized states, but also those of the colonizers. For the Netherlands, decolonization did not only dictate the pace of various constitutional reforms in the mid-20th century that were ‘needed’ to erase Indonesia (1948) and New Guinea (1963) from the text of the constitution, but also introduced new constitutional documents, such as the 1949 Dutch-Indonesian Union Charter and the 1954 Charter of the Kingdom. While it is necessary to critically analyze the impact of these postcolonial arrangements on former colonies, it is equally urgent to fill the profound gap in knowledge about the impact of colonialism and decolonization on domestic constitutional arrangements.
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Anne-Isabelle Richard
In this post, I would like to shed light on an important, yet generally overlooked aspect of the European Convention of Human Rights, namely that it was drafted at a time when many of the member states of the Council of Europe were still important colonial powers. While European empires in Asia were in decline and the Netherlands was in the process of withdrawing from Indonesia, this was not the case in what was then called New Guinea, Surinam or the Antilles. Colonial empires in Africa, for their part, were still well established and the question of the territorial application of the Convention was hotly debated in the drafting process. What were the implications of this link between human rights and empire?
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Antoon De Baets
The conflict in Indonesia in 1945–1949 was not a police action against insurgents in the context of a colonial territory in which domestic law alone was applicable; it was an international armed conflict in the context of independence in which international law should have played its role. The crimes committed during the conflict from both sides were war crimes and crimes against humanity.
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Boyd van Dijk
The specter of the Indonesian Revolution is still haunting our understanding of Dutch imperial violence. In this blog post, I want to highlight two central issues regarding the conflict’s legal history – one involving the alleged non-application of the laws of war to the conflict which has been a mainstay argument in Dutch official narratives, and the other regarding the ways in which we delineate today our legal-moral reasoning with respect to Dutch transgression.
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Janne Nijman
The self-image of The Netherlands as a nation with a legalist (or Grotian) approach to international affairs has turned a blind eye to how Grotian legal reasonings and arguments have been used to legitimize Dutch colonialism and to shape the post-colonial structure of international law.
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, Wiebe Hommes
Human rights and decolonization have a complicated relationship. From their inception in the mid-20th century as normative features of the nation-state, human rights co-existed with imperial colonial systems. As aspirational values molded on the Western philosophical tradition, human rights also served as empowering tools in the moment of decolonization while simultaneously hampering claims to national independence. This is why, in the engagement with the ongoing legacies of colonialism, we have embarked on this symposium to examine human rights both as a language of critique and as a constitutive part of the imperial legacy.
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Maximilian Steinbeis, Mattias Kumm
Regierungsamtliche Diskursteilnahme in Zeiten der Ampel und ihre verfassungsrechtlichen Grenzen: ein Online-Symposium des Verfassungsblogs und des Exzellenzclusters SCRIPTS.
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Cem Tecimer
After what is now almost a two-decade long rule by the governing party, there are strong indications that a strong reshuffling in Turkish politics is in the works. Support for President Erdogan and his party is declining. I argue, firstly, that it is a combination of factors that has led to this moment of changing fortunes in Turkish politics – a combination that sheds light on what tactics may successfully be employed by opposition forces who wish to put an end to autocracies. Secondly, I claim that constitutional restoration in Turkey does not require formal constitutional change.
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Dmitry Kurnosov
The case of Russia teaches us how dangerous extra-constitutional constitution making can be – and that it should always be just a last resort. No substantive institutional changes should be made outside of the constitutional bounds. Otherwise, there will always be the danger that breaking the rule of law will continue even after constitutional change has taken place. This is precisely what Russian intellectuals and jurists, who supported Yeltsin in 1993, learned under the rule of Vladimir Putin. We should try to avoid repeating their mistakes.
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Roberto Gargarella
The questions posed by Professors Andrew Arato and András Sajó in their open letter Restoring Constitutionalism are pressing and of utmost public importance. Many of the issues and controversies raised in the letter arise after “democratic backsliding has taken place” and when the constitution already includes “entrenched authoritarian enclaves”. Taking this context into consideration, I will examine a more basic issue, namely the validity of law in a democratic society.
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, Silvia von Steinsdorff, Ertug Tombus
Taking into consideration that the backsliding of Turkish democracy during the last ten to fifteen years happened in a piecemeal and often erratic way, only partially based on constitutional amendments, the reverse process should also be possible by gradual legal and, eventually, constitutional changes. Political pragmatism, based on a clear commitment to basic democratic values and societal reconciliation, might be more important for the sustainable recovery of Turkish democracy than a radical constitutional restart.
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Sanford V. Levinson
From my perspective, the most fundamental question that Arato and Sajó are asking is precisely how committed lawyers and constitutionalists should be to particular political systems that do not, at least on the surface, offer any grounds for optimism that the next election will “vote the rascals out of office” and enable forward movement to achieving the grand aspirations of a liberal constitutional order. Paradoxically or not, one might have more hope about Hungary, Poland, Chile, Brazil, or other countries unafflicted by “veneration” of a constitutional system that, left unreformed, serves as an iron cage, a “clear and present danger” to the actual achievement of liberal constitutional aspirations.
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Michael Meyer-Resende
It seems to me that we are asking two questions: First, is Hungary´s constitutional system so damaged that it no longer reflects the core tenets of democratic constitutionalism? My short answer is, yes, but the case needs to be made comprehensively. The second questions is: Could the current constitution be repaired although it is set-up to impede repair? My short answer is: It depends on the post-election context and we should not jump too easily to leave the current legal framework.
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If the constitution-making and amending by Fidesz with their legally obtained two-thirds majority counted as illegitimate, constitutional revision with a simple majority cannot be acceptable. If the sudden redesign of institutions gave reason for serious concern eleven years ago, it cannot be welcomed now.
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Rimdolmsom Jonathan Kabre
The topic of corruption plays a particular role in the international investment regime, as is evidenced by the large number of corruption-based investment cases and the abundant literature on this topic. This blog post discusses the role of arbitral tribunals and local institutions (notably courts and bar associations) in addressing the challenges of corruption by focusing on the so called Piero Foresti, Laura de Carli & Others v. The Republic of South Africa case (hereinafter, the Foresti case). I argue that the reaction of the arbitral tribunal to the allegation of corruption is unsatisfactory and that international and national institutions should operate in complementarity given the transnational nature of the phenomenon of corruption.
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Cengiz Barskanmaz
Almost 20 years after the adoption of the Berlin Declaration on Open Access to Knowledge in the Sciences and Humanities (2003), open access publications still play a comparatively marginal role in the legal academia. Yet legal scholarship is already benefiting from a public discourse that quality-assured legal scholarship blogs have initiated with their science-communicative opening. Admittedly, particularly the lack of sustainable funding models reinforces the disciplinary reluctance to embrace open access and open science in legal academia.
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In der schweizerischen Rechtswissenschaft bewegt sich einiges in Sachen Open Access. Auf der einen Seite sind viele Bottom-Up-Initiativen entstanden, auf der anderen Seite wird der freie Zugang zu rechtswissenschaftlicher Literatur vermehrt Top-Down gefordert – und teilweise auch gefördert. Es bleibt allerdings noch einiges zu tun, bis Open Access zum Standard wird. Dies gilt insbesondere für die Finanzierung von Zeitschriften. Die bisher bestehenden Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten fördern ein System, in dem Quantität mehr zählt als Qualität.
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Paula Baldini
Despite its revolutionary potential, the movement towards amplifying open access can backfire if it does not expand quickly across the world. As it is today, the vast majority of authors who publish open access are based in European research institutions. By making these authors’ works more easily available than others, open access initiatives may end up dictating the terms of the international legal debate around the world.
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Patricia Schiess
In spring 2016, the Liechtenstein Institute launched verfassung.li, the online commentary on the Constitution of the Principality of Liechtenstein. To date, it is the only commentary on the Constitution of Liechtenstein and – to our knowledge – the only open access commentary on a constitution in the German-speaking world.
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Bogdan Iancu
I will, in what follows, seek to answer the overarching question of this symposium, starting from a cautionary Romanian rule of law (RoL) reform tale. Other things being equal, its lessons may be extrapolated to the specific case of hopefully post-Orbánite Hungary. The specific context of Hungary presents, at least apparently, the Romanian problem in reverse, namely, the transition from an authoritarian nationalist regime to a pluralist, European, rule of law order.
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Johannes Rux
Open Access aims to ensure that scientific findings are disseminated as widely as possible and thus reach (and can be further exploited) where they are of greatest use. Open Access assumes that the unrestricted access to research findings will enable further research and boost scientific progress. This is not restricted to STEM-subjects where speed is often essential to find solutions for looming problems but also applies to studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences including Law and Jurisprudence.
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Julia Emtseva, Angelo Jr Golia, Tom Sparks
In 2021, the Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (also known as the Heidelberg Journal of International Law) was reborn. Though one of the oldest public and international law journals, its editors have taken the decision to embrace a new era and mode of publishing. The ZaöRV is now a Platinum Open-Access journal.
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Richard Holden
The notion that scientific progress depends on access to the existing stock of knowledge is an old one. It dates to the 12th century when the French philosopher Bernard of Chartres observed: “We are like dwarfs on the shoulders of giants, so that we can see more than they, and things at a greater distance, not by virtue of any sharpness of sight on our part, or any physical distinction, but because we are carried high and raised up by their giant size.”
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Marcel Knoechelmann
Without specifying its meaning or context, openness remains an empty category. It commonly evokes a positive sentiment, but what does it mean to say: We are opening up this or that? And what does it disguise? It even compares with excellence in this respect: a word that is en vogue to be thrown into debates about the future of the academy.
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Evin Dalkilic, Georg Fischer
Open Access suggests the absence of gates and gatekeepers – but this is evidently not the case. Who gets to publish what and where is still very much a decision made by certain people in certain positions following certain procedures. Although Open Access carries the promise of removing barriers and democratising access, numerous barriers beyond the obvious ones like paywalls or processing charges exist or are being installed.
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Kim Lane Scheppele
Backsliding democracies around the world all face the problem of how to restore the rule of law. Precisely because it is already embedded in European law, with deep Hungarian roots that have long honored European traditions and its international law obligations, Hungary has the option of simply embracing European law to provide a legal path back to the rule of law
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I argue that especially in highly polarized social contexts and in divided societies, triggering a new constitution-making procedure requires certain conditions that are necessarily lacking in such circumstances. Oddly, even though these initiatives are motivated by the idea of constitutional restoration, they could easily fail for the same reasons as the constitution they try to mend. When – against the usual and unusual odds – new constitutions are adopted in socially adverse circumstances, the outcome will unavoidably carry the deep tensions and one-sidedness of its environment.
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For the first time ever in Hungary, a national primary was held to elect the prime ministerial candidate for the opposition, sparking discussions on constitutional restoration, in particular on amending or replacing the 2011 constitution, the Fundamental Law (FL). Following a brief description of the Hungarian institutional and constitutional landscape, I outline several suggestions as to how the question of constitutional restoration in Hungary might be addressed.
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Till Zimmermann
Criminal law serves as the primary tool of choice in Germany's combat against corruption. Yet, apart from the truism that merely tightening the penal framework to combat corruption is useless anyway, there remain deficits. This blog post argues that some of those deficits are to be found not on the level of law in action, but in the law in the books.
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Sofia Ranchordas
Smart-city surveillance is not always used “for the good.” Instead, the faces of regime opponents or, in other contexts, underrepresented minorities, are often self-incriminating elements. It is clear that smart cities pose important problems to privacy and that technology-infused urban spaces bring as many benefits as challenges. I argue that we should be particularly critical of the employment of surveillance technologies in slums because they are by definition vulnerable places from different perspectives.
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Csaba Gy?ry
The call from Andrew Arato and Andras Sajó starts an important and timely debate. It is indeed a thorny question in which cases a formal breach of constitutional norms is the only way to restore constitutionalism. I make three claims: First, while the potential opposition government’s legislative power will indeed be constrained, it will not be entirely powerless. Second, many of these constraints do not stem from constitutional provisions per se, but from informal practices within constitutional organs, and thus cannot be addressed by only formal constitutional changes, revolutionary or otherwise. Third, in the present situation a calculated formal breach of the constitution will most likely lead to civilian strife, political paralysis and radicalization. It will also have the potential to destabilize the European Union.
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, Christian Perrone
For the past twenty years, Brazil has been torn between the paths of public security and mass surveillance, and of reaffirming human rights, especially the right to privacy. An interesting duality has emerged: on the one hand, the creation of a robust regime in terms of data protection and, on the other, a wholehearted acceptance of facial recognition technology.
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In the context of hybrid regimes, where constitutional change is gradual, the search for a magical (if not revolutionary) ‘moment’ of constitutional reset is futile. Instead, constitutional scholarship is better off with envisioning a process of constitutional (re-)settlement through legally imperfect processes of trial and error.
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A closer look at the use of surveillance measures by public authorities in Sweden following 9/11 reveals that once it began, the development can perhaps best be described as displaying a ‘ketchup effect’; where you open the bottle and at first nothing comes out, and then it all comes out at once and you have effectively ruined your dish (which, depending on your view of ketchup, may have been doomed from the moment you picked up the bottle).
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Mark Tushnet
Sometimes, probably often, the new anti-authoritarian majority will not be large enough to satisfy the requirements of the nation’s amendment rule for constitutional change. What can be done under those circumstances? One possibility, of course, is simply to push through constitutional change without regard to the pre-existing amendment rule. Sometimes that will be enough. Sometimes it won’t – particularly where the idea of legality has powerful political support. Where simply bulling ahead with constitutional change seems unlikely to be productive, what can be done? The answer, I believe, combines foundational constitutional theory and practical political reality.
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Monika Zalnieriute
As protest movements are gaining momentum across the world, with Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter, and strong pro-democracy protests in Chile and Hong Kong are taking centre stage, governments around the world are increasing their surveillance capacities in the name of “protecting the public” and “addressing emergencies”. Australia is not an exception to this trend.
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Even if the opposition will win the 2022 election in Hungary, it is very unlikely that the new governing parties will reach the two-third majority which according to the current rules is necessary to enact a brand new constitution or even to amend Fidesz’s ‘illiberal’ constitution. Yet, amending Hungary's Fundamental Law by a simple majority would be an unacceptable but also unnecessary break of legality. But it should also be avoided that a new democratic government would have to govern in the long run within the framework of the present ‘illiberal’ Fundamental Law.
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Albert Fox Cahn, Evan Enzer
Throughout the post-9/11 period, we’ve seen the courts fail to check the growth of the surveillance state, inviting and sanctioning new abuses. But we do see reason for hope. The expansion of the surveillance state is increasingly taking center stage in American political discourse. While it’s unclear if America’s political, legal, and constitutional systems will ever fully recover from the post-9/11 moment, it is clear that only mass political movement will be able to edge back us from the precipice of authoritarianism and reassert constitutional checks and the rule of law.
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Revolutionary proponents of instant radical solutions are offering Jacobin moralist arguments about the evilness of the old legal system and enthusiastic political slogans about a bright future under the new Constitution, but they are staying silent about the most likely outcome of their plans: massive armed violence.
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Maria Paula Bertran,
When the anti-corruption systems whistleblowed to a Latin tune recently, the resulting sound was remarkably ugly. It was loud, as the Odebrecht, Petrobras, and J&F cases revealed a wide-spread, refined system of corruption involving prominent politicians and businesspeople in 12 countries from Latin America and Africa named as “Operation Car Wash”. But the sound was also dissonant, as it played tunes that did not represent the patterns of justice expected from the Latin legal systems. That sound had a peculiar U.S. American accent.
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Armin von Bogdandy, Luke Dimitrios Spieker
To restore an independent judiciary and – in a broader perspective – the rule of law, it would suffice to remove the central perpetrators from the judiciary. To achieve this aim, we plead for the criminal responsibility of those judges who severely and intentionally disrespect EU values. Establishing their criminal responsibility in fair proceedings would then justify – in fact: require – their removal from office.
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Winfried Kluth
Die Bundesnotbremse ist aus heutiger Sicht jedoch nicht nur Ende sondern zugleich Beginn eines neuen Staatsversagens gewesen. Tatsächlich war es die Verlagerung der Handlungskompetenz auf die Gubernative, zumal in der föderalen Variante einer informellen ad-hoc-Bund-Länder-Gubernative, die sich als strukturell unpassend und fachlich unangemessen erwiesen hat. Aus diesen Vorüberlegungen lassen sich Eckpunkte für ein Pandemierecht 4.0 entwickeln, das als vorsorgendes und gefahrenabwehrendes Planungs- und Interventionsrecht in organisatorischer und verfahrensrechtlicher Hinsicht über die ersten drei Entwicklungsstufen (Generalklausel, unkoordinierter Maßnahmenkatalog, Bundesnotbremse) nicht nur hinausgeht, sondern zu einer grundlegenden Neuausrichtung führt.
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Rosalind Dixon, David E. Landau
How does one restore a democratic constitutional order that has been eroded through a process of “abusive” constitutional change? The same tools used to achieve abusive change can be used to reverse it. For example, just as formal constitutional amendment is one important way in which abusive constitutional projects are carried out, it is also an important pathway through which abusive change can be reversed.
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It is not out of question that the united Hungarian opposition will obtain Parliamentary majority in 2022, but a constituent supermajority of two thirds remains wishful thinking. Winning the election will not result in actual governmental power. The Fundamental Law was a nice opportunity to purge constitutional institutions. Is another round of purge inevitable with the restoration of the rule of law? The dictates of necessity offer an unappealing perspective and textbook constitutionalism is not prepared for dirty reality.
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Michael Kubiciel
When people talk about the connection between internal and external security, which was occasionally the case during the election campaign for the German Bundestag, they usually mean international terrorism, transnational drug trafficking and organized crime. Yet, various events in the recent months reminded us that rampant corruption in foreign states can also have consequences for our external security.
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Su Bian
In 2018, the Chinese central government professed its determination to combat ‘corruption’ at a new level by promulgating the Supervision Law (SL). Supervisory commissions (SCs) from the national level down to the county level were systematically set up and became the sole supervisory organ, which has largely modified the constitutional division of powers. I argue that the SC shares much in common with the hybrid type of ombudsman but lacks adequate external constraint mechanisms.
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Steven Pierce
In Nigeria, coups d’etat have often been a cause for celebration. Ironically, even as a series of juntas promised to reform corrupt practices Nigeria’s perceived problems grew worse, leading to ever-more stringent rhetoric against corruption and, as Ugochukwu Ezeh suggests in his contribution to this symposium, a near consensus that corruption represents a fundamental threat to Nigerians’ personal security and that of the nation itself. While it is challenging to measure the prevalence or magnitude of corruption objectively, the perception of corruption is that it gets worse and worse, despite the struggle against it.
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Anna Leisner-Egensperger
Die Bundesnotbremsen-Beschlüsse haben dem Schutz von Leben und Gesundheit eine neue Schlagkraft verliehen. Sie könnte erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die verfassungsrechtliche Bewertung der zukünftigen Klimapolitik haben.
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Anne van Aaken
Corruption is a huge challenge and needs all available means to fight it – the call of the United Nations for using behavioral sciences to understand and fight corruption needs to be heeded urgently.
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Michael Wrase
Die Anerkennung eines Rechts auf schulische Bildung durch das Bundesverfassungsgericht greift weit über die Frage pandemiebedinger Schulschließungen hinaus. Sie stellt das bisher objektiv-rechtlich begründete Bildungsverfassungsrecht auf eine neue Grundlage – das hat dogmatische und praktische Konsequenzen.
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John Philipp Thurn
Nach der Entscheidung des BVerfG zur "Bundesnotbremse" ist es verfassungsrechtlich zulässig, eine an sich ungefährliche Ausübung der körperlichen Bewegungsfreiheit zu verbieten, wenn dieses Verbot als Teil eines nicht offensichtlich wirkungslosen Gesamtkonzepts die Durchsetzung einer anderen Maßnahme des Gesundheitsschutzes erleichtert – und das unmittelbar per Gesetz, also ohne gerichtlichen Rechtsschutz. Kann das richtig sein – und wo führt das hin?
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Gwendolyn Domning
Slipping in and out of the academic spotlight, the topic of corruption has persistently raised the interest of scholars, international organizations, and societies all over the world since the 1990s. I focus on the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) establishment of a new anti-corruption agency, the Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials (CIO), and argue that the CIO provides new anti-corruption ‘services’ on the one hand and strengthens state accountability mechanisms on the other.
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Ugochukwu Ezeh
Anti-corruption legalism is often a symptom of a broader phenomenon: the securitisation of corruption. Taken together, securitisation and anti-corruption legalism are counterproductive approaches: they undermine the evolution of democratic values, political accountability mechanisms, and independent constitutional institutions that form the bedrock of meaningful and sustainable anti-corruption strategies.
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Mit seinem Beschluss vom 19. November 2021 (Bundesnotbremse I) hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht nicht nur die lange ersehnte Antwort auf die Frage nach der Verfassungsmäßigkeit von Kontakt- und Ausgangsbeschränkungen gegeben. Es hat sich zugleich zu der hoch umstrittenen Frage geäußert, ob die »Bundesnotbremse« Ausgangsbeschränkungen unmittelbar durch Gesetz anordnen durfte. Die Argumente des Gerichts überzeugen nicht.
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Kevin Davis
Enforcement is the central challenge in anti-corruption law. Ironically, in many societies the problem is that there are too many enforcement agencies rather than too few, mainly because those agencies’ actions are poorly coordinated. In the early years of the twentieth century, Brazil’s anti-corruption agencies developed an intriguing response to this conundrum. They embraced what I and my co-authors call institutional modularity.
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Heiko Sauer
Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat die Bundesnotbremse einer eingehenden verfassungsrechtlichen Kontrolle unterzogen, ohne sich hinter Entscheidungsspielräumen der Politik zu verstecken. Die überzeugenden Beschlüsse zu den Kontakt- und Ausgangsbeschränkungen sowie zu den Schulschließungen lassen auch Folgerungen zur Vereinbarkeit der jetzt diskutierten Maßnahmen mit dem Grundgesetz zu.
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Fabia Fernandes Carvalho, Florian Hoffmann
This blog symposium introduces a new collaborative format between Verfassungsblog and the journal Verfassung und Recht in Übersee (VRÜ) / World Comparative Law (WCL). Today, we inaugurate these joint symposia with the theme of the recently published VRÜ/WCL Special Issue on "Corrupting Democracy? Interrogating the Role of Law in the Fight against Corruption and its Impact on (Democratic) Politics". It thematises corruption and its conceptual pendant anti-corruption as prototypical hard cases for both the rule of law and for democratic politics.
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Martin Nettesheim
Dem neuen "Recht auf schulische Bildung" liegt sowohl ein erziehungswissenschaftlich als auch verfassungsrechtlich fragwürdiges Verständnis zugrunde. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht konstruiert Schule als Markt und Schüler als Konsumenten. Über die vom BVerfG am 19. November 2021 bewirkte kulturtheoretische Rekonstruktion von Schule wird zu diskutieren sein.
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Isabel Lischewski
Kinder und Jugendliche haben ein Recht auf schulische Bildung aus Art. 2 Abs. 1 in Verbindung mit Art. 7 Abs. 1 GG. Das hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht in seinem Beschluss zur Verfassungsmäßigkeit pandemiebedingter Schulschließungen heute festgestellt und damit erstmals bestätigt, dass es Grundrechte gibt, die nur und explizit für Nicht-Erwachsene gelten. Stellt das in dem Beschluss erstmals vorgestellte Recht auf Schulbildung aber tatsächlich ein genuines und ausschließliches Kinderrecht dar? Und was bedeutet die Entscheidung für den anhaltenden Kinderrechtediskurs?
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Johanna Wolff
Das Verbot von Präsenzunterricht greift in das Grundrecht von Schülerinnen und Schülern auf schulische Bildung ein, so das BVerfG. Der Eingriff sei in der konkreten Situation allerdings gerechtfertigt gewesen. Auch wenn aber das BVerfG damit die bisherigen Schulschließungen nicht beanstandet, erteilt es für künftige keinesfalls einen Freifahrtschein – im Gegenteil.
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Jaana Palander, Saara Pellander
The presence of a strong security paradigm in Finnish migration law, policy and court practice is not a new phenomenon. What has become most prevalent is the securitization of asylum seeking. For a long time, this speech has not turned into practice, but this may soon change, in response to the migration influx after 2015 and in the Belarussian context.
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Audrey Macklin
At the broadest level, 9/11 exacerbated the chronic precarity of non-citizens’ status as legal subjects governed under the rule of law. In principle, the rule of law is indifferent to citizenship: after all, the legal subject is constituted through subjection to law, not to the state as such. And yet, the rule of law has always been insipid in the sphere of migration, and securitization diluted it even further. This is true across all jurisdictions, including those bound by human rights entrenched in constitutional texts.
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Giacomo Orsini, Jean-Baptiste Farcy, Sarah Smit, Laura Merla
With liminal legal spaces expanding on several domains of non-EU migrants’ lives in Europe, specific populations of third country nationals came to face greater discriminatory treatment. Rules and procedures were being adopted in the name of security and the protection of the public and/or social order against so-called “irregular migration”. We focus on non-EU migrants in Belgium, as they constitute an extremely relevant case to illustrate how institutions of a liberal, democratic European state have transformed and adapted the ways they operate discrimination along racist lines.
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Mohsin Alam Bhat
Indien hat komplexe rechtliche Mechanismen geschaffen, die den Status der Staatsbürgerschaft stark verunsichert haben. Diese Mechanismen erlauben es, Personen willkürlich als mutmaßliche Ausländer ins Visier zu nehmen, stellen unzumutbare Beweisanforderungen für den Nachweis der Staatsbürgerschaft und erleichtern den schleichenden Verlust materieller Rechte - und das alles ohne formellen Entzug des Staatsbürgerschaftsstatuses. Diese Prozesse lassen sich meiner Meinung nach am besten als das verstehen, was Peter Nyers als "Irregularisierung der Staatsbürgerschaft" bezeichnet.
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Mohsin Alam Bhat
India has created complex legal mechanisms that have introduced severe insecurity of citizenship status. These mechanisms permit arbitrary targeting of persons as suspected foreigners, place unreasonable evidentiary standards for proving citizenship, and facilitate creeping loss of substantive rights – all without a formal revocation of citizenship status. These processes, I suggest, are best understood as what Peter Nyers calls ‘irregularizing citizenship’.
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Andrew Arato,
How to restore constitutionalism and the rule of law is a somewhat neglected problem among constitutionalists. Thanks to forthcoming elections, some countries like Hungary where “democratic backsliding” has taken place, may have the opportunity to restore the rule of law. Is a democratic community bound to follow constitutional rules of dubious democratic nature? Or can these be replaced in violation of legality, for example in an extra-parliamentary democratic process? If so, under what conditions? We call on constitutionalists to provide answers to these questions and formulate alternatives between the two extremes of legality and paralysis, possibly involving an element of illegality, but compensating for this by dramatic increase of democratic legitimacy.
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Peter Billings
Obwohl der Zusammenhang zwischen Terrorismus und Asyl in Australien keine empirische Grundlage hat, haben bestimmte Gesetze, Maßnahmen und Praktiken, die im Jahr 2001 zur Terrorismusbekämpfung eingeführt wurden, bis heute Bestand - insbesondere die Offshore-Abfertigung von Asylbewerbern, die auf dem Seeweg ankommen. Ich behaupte, dass Australiens Abschreckungsmodell eine negative "Signalwirkung" auf die heutige Asylpolitik und -praxis einiger europäischer Staaten hatte.
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Peter Billings
The Australian government’s agenda of progressive border securitization was, initially, sustained by counter-terrorism rhetoric. However, the focus of concern has shifted away from the potential terrorist threat posed by asylum seekers towards deterring unauthorised maritime migration. Though the nexus between terrorism and asylum lacks an empirical basis in Australia, certain laws, policies and practices premised on counterterrorism in 2001 endure to this day – offshore processing of asylum seekers arriving by sea, notably. I argue that Australia’s deterrence model has had a negative ‘signalling effect’ on some European states’ contemporary asylum policies and practice.
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Julia Gelhaar
After the attacks of September 11, 2001, Europeanization received a [...]
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Emilie McDonnell
The Nationality and Borders Bill is the culmination of the UK government’s increasingly securitised, criminalised and hostile approach to asylum and migration. While 9/11 served to solidify the highly dubious nexus between migration and terrorism, the UK (alongside other destination states) has for decades been implementing restrictive migration policies and practices designed to deter and prevent asylum seekers and other migrants from reaching its territories and accessing safety.
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Ay?e Dicle Ergin
Even though 9/11 has had a significant impact on the global linking of migration and security, different triggers may be required for each country for the concrete effects of this approach to emerge. For Turkey, the developments are parallel but delayed. Turkish immigration policy, which was trending towards becoming more liberal and rights-based after 9/11, has suffered a serious break after a series of terrorist attacks in the country.
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The state of the European Union's asylum and migration policy can be summed up as follows: 20 years after the attacks on the Twin Towers, the "war on terror" has become both a cause of people on the move, and serves at the same time as the normative underpinning for the unimaginable arms race that has taken place at the external borders of the EU. Legitimised by the political leadership of the European Union, it is now a reality that the principles of the rule of law have ceased to apply at the EU's external borders without consequence.
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Sangeetha Pillai
Since its earliest days, Australia’s sweeping constitutional powers over aliens and immigration have been drawn on to support broad exclusionary laws. In the two decades since 9/11, the tendency towards exclusion has increased significantly.
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Eleonora Celoria
While concerns over terrorism have not shaped Italian migration policy in a comprehensive way, the increased use of the administrative measure of expulsion of foreigners for counter-terrorism purposes must be questioned. It poses serious challenges to fundamental rights and rule of law principles and might foster a shift from a punitive to a preventive approach in the field of migration control.
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Luicy Pedroza
As much as the comparative study of migration policies has developed recently, it still suffers from a blazing assumption: that states have equal sovereign power to determine their migration policy according to their own interests. The notion of “externalization”, so widely discussed nowadays, reminds us of asymmetries of power. In cases of extreme asymmetry though, as in the relation between Mexico and the United States, the spaces for sovereign decision making on migration policy are extremely thin to nonexistent.
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Alicia Ely Yamin
Amid the unfolding „moral catastrophe“ of COVID-19, and across the entries in this symposium, we see a clamor for any pandemic law-making exercise to promote more justice in global health.
However, this universally-embraced imperative masks a wide array of divergent views about the nature and sources of inequalities in global health, and in turn what should be done if we were to think beyond a narrow pragmatism of the moment.
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Alicia Ely Yamin
This final webinar of the 'International Pandemic Lawmaking: Conceptual and Practical Issues' Symposium will bring together leading scholars to critically discuss cross-cutting themes of the Symposium, and key points of contention and recommendation for the future of global pandemic governance.
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Ferdinand Weber
Migration and citizenship law are politically configurable matters, like all others. All terrorist threats affect the state's duty to protect life, possibly state infrastructure and the sense of security in the public sphere. Picking up a connection to migration, in contrast to already existing domes-tic right-wing and left-wing extremism, can promise a quick reduction of external dangers in the political competition. Certainly, most people reject an equation of migration and terrorism as politically backwards. However, the image of migration being infiltrated by terrorism is effective.
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Ilja Richard Pavone
The COVID-19 pandemic has raised unprecedented challenges for the global health framework and its long-term consequences are not yet in full sight. The alarm mechanism based on the declaration of Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC), in particular, has been severely tested. As underlined by some scholars, a reform of the PHEIC’s mechanism would not solve the core issues of the alert and response system behind the IHRs, that do have mainly a political dimension.
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Raphael Oidtmann
Any future international treaty or instrument on pandemic preparedness and response should refrain from further perpetuating an understanding of international borders that is primarily based on considerations of territoriality – rather, it should ensure that borders are no longer a constitutive element determining the international community’s effort of fighting the spread of dangerous diseases.
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Ching-Fu Lin, Chuan-Feng Wu
The COVID-19 pandemic has blatantly exposed the flaws of the World Health Organization (WHO) and its International Health Regulations (IHR) in addressing cross-border communicable diseases. We argue that the IHR is ill-designed: its rules and mechanisms are disproportionately tied to the Director General’s (DG) exercise of power, rendering insufficient member access to and participation in core decision-making and greater tendency of regulatory capture.
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Norman Paech
In Einem sind sich politische Parteien, Medien und Öffentlichkeit einig: ob man den Rückzug der Bundeswehr aus Afghanistan nun Desaster, Debakel oder Niederlage nennt, er soll gründlich analysiert werden, und mit ihm der gesamte Einsatz seit 2001. Die völkerrechtliche Legitimation des Kriegseinsatzes steht nicht zur Debatte. Doch muss eine unvoreingenommene Analyse zu dem Ergebnis kommen: der Krieg begann mit einem Verstoß gegen das Völkerrecht, produzierte in seinen 20 Jahren zahlreiche Kriegsverbrechen und endete nun mit einem letzten Bruch des Völkerrechts.
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Sara (Meg) Davis, Mike Podmore, Courtenay Howe
Considering the unprecedented suffering caused by COVID-19, any future pandemic lawmaking should be informed by public consultations that prioritize hearing the experiences of people most affected by the crisis, and that facilitate their identifying the redress and reforms they want. Such a process will be critical to rebuilding trust in public institutions.
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Sharon Bassan
Piecemeal and fragmented policymaking during Covid-19 underscored the need for an equity-focused global health agenda. Yet, most responses were nationally-focused, lacked global commitment and solidarity, failed to notify the WHO of novel outbreaks, and were non-compliant with its professional recommendations.
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, Ciara Staunton, Paul Ogendi, Cassandra Emmons, Pedro Villarreal
Amid contention that global governance was unprepared and incapacitated in its response to the COVID-19 pandemic, this November, a special session of the World Health Assembly will convene to discuss a potential international instrument on pandemic preparedness and response. As part of the "International Pandemic Lawmaking: Conceptual and Practical Issues" symposium which is publishing critical insights and recommendations for this potential pandemic treaty each day on Bill of Health and Verfassungsblog, this is the second webinar examines the issues, challenges and opportunities related to scientific innovation.
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Pedro Villarreal
More inclusive models for scientific data sharing at the international level clearly can and must be devised. Doing so will require stronger commitments by states, improved multilateral mechanisms, and legal rules that facilitate the fair allocation of fruits of scientific progress without influence from competing agendas.
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Paul Ogendi
By relying on the private sector in the context of COVID-19, many countries are struggling to secure adequate personal protective equipment, testing kits, and, more importantly. life-saving vaccines. A radical paradigm shift is needed from a market-based paradigm to one that encourages more scientific collaboration transcending national, regional, and global levels.
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Obiora Okafor
While the withdrawal phase of allied involvement in Afghanistan has, quite deservedly, generated a lot of attention, controversy and tragedy, broadly speaking, it has not – so far – caused or signaled any significant rupture in the orientation of international law and relations toward weaker states and peoples.
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Ciara Staunton, Deborah Mascalzoni
COVID-19 demonstrated the interconnectedness of the world and that our collective protection and well-being is contingent on our individual response. The importance of solidarity and acting in the public interest became key messages in public health, as too were these principles justified as the basis for data-sharing across borders. Accessing this data was critical and its timely access to this data was essential in research for the much-needed new vaccines.
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Corri Zoli
Für manche stellt der demütige Abzug der Vereinigten Staaten und der NATO-Koalitionspartner aus Afghanistan ein angemessenes Ende der Kriege nach dem 11. September 2001 dar. Doch meiner Meinung nach markiert dieser Abzug einen wichtigeren Anfang: unseren unfreiwilligen Eintritt in eine neue Ära der kompetitiven Kriegsführung - wobei Afghanistan nur den Anfang einer neuen Ära globaler Infrastruktur- und Lieferkettenkriege darstellt.
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Corri Zoli
Some argue that the humbling exit of the United States and NATO coalition partners from Afghanistan marks a fitting end to the post-9/11 wars and its conceits. My sense is that this exit marks a more important beginning: our unwitting entry into a new era of competitive warfare—with Afghanistan representing the opening salvo of a new era of global infrastructure and supply chain wars.
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Shaimaa Abdelkarim
Feminist international legal scholarship has been attentive to the gendered framing of the ‘war on terror’, specifically, in relation to proliferating practices of democratisation in third world societies. I suggest that Afghan women’s experiences are integral to challenge the function of human rights in reproducing gender norms.
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Jochen von Bernstorff
We are still in the process of assessing the outcomes of 20 years of Western military and humanitarian presence in Afghanistan, and of a heartless and chaotic withdrawal. The current and somewhat self-centred debates may obscure considerable collateral legal nihilism. My main argument is that the re-interpretation of Art. 51 UN Charter by the US in the context of the so called “war on terror” was (and still is) an attempt to re-introduce new legal justifications for old forms of great power interventionism.
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Anne van Aaken, Tomer Broude
In this brief essay, we wish to highlight some insights from behavioural economics that can contribute to a successful process of international pandemic lawmaking. Our interest here is not to engage with individual or collective psychological reactions to pandemics or other large-scale risks, or with substantive policy made in their wake. Several such behavioural issues and dimensions have been dealt with elsewhere, not without (ongoing) spirited debate. Here, however, while building on related frameworks of analysis from the field of behavioral economics, as applied to international law (including nudge theory), our focus is on the process and design of pandemic international law-making.
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Thilo Marauhn, Daniel Mengeler, Vera Strobel
Alongside the political question of the consequences of the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, there is also the pressing question of the legal responsibility of the Federal Republic of Germany. We come to the interim conclusion that the Federal Republic of Germany has not fully complied with its obligations to protect fundamental rights - above all the protection of life under Article 2 of the Basic Law - and its obligations under international law.
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Helmut Philipp Aust, Janne Nijman
From the perspective of an international lawyer, the urban dimension of the attacks of 9/11 is conspicuously absent from most of the debates. Yet, there is a hidden story underneath the bigger geopolitical picture and its international legal implications that most of the contributions to this symposium discuss. The 9/11 attacks went for urban symbols that were at the same time global symbols; in the wave of terrorism that followed cities both in the Global North and Global South were the target – physically, politically and culturally. Security is increasingly understood as an urban issue.
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Helmut Philipp Aust, Janne Nijman
Diese urbane Dimension der Anschläge vom 11. September wird in den meisten völkerrechtlichen Debatten auffällig wenig berücksichtigt. Jedoch verbirgt sich hinter den größeren geopolitischen Entwicklungen und den damit verbunden völkerrechtlichen Auswirkungen, eine weitere Geschichte. Die Anschläge vom 11. September 2001 zielten auf urbane Symbole ab, die gleichzeitig globale Symbole waren; in der darauffolgenden Terrorismuswelle waren Städte sowohl im globalen Norden als auch im globalen Süden das Ziel - physisch, politisch und kulturell. Sicherheit wird zunehmend als ein urbanes Thema verstanden.
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Kaat Van Delm
Our international norms are arguably ill adapted to emergencies such as pandemics. In this contribution I discuss a potential remedy for one related challenge, namely a cooperation amongst competitors for the accelerated development of vaccines. A way to foster cooperation could be the use of fair, reasonable and non-discriminatory (‘FRAND’) terms to the licensing of pandemic-essential intellectual property rights (IPR).
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Asad Kiyani
Examining how Western states - primarily the US, UK and Canada - approach and develop their exceptional status with respect to allegations of international crimes shows that they pursue ‘exceptionalism’ and its benefits through a variety of strategies. Given the relative standing and power of these states internationally, the risks posed by their tactics may disproportionately burden international institutions and norms rather than the states themselves.
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The Western imaginary of solidarity to distant others has long dominated discussions of Afghanistan. This commentary looks at what might be described as intermediary solidarities - towards local suppletives who have put themselves in harm’s way to aid foreign interventions, primarily Afghan interpreters, employed by Western armies. I contrast a sense of patriotic noblesse oblige to former allies with a more critical international evaluation of the status of these interpreters.
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Cassandra Emmons
A pandemic instrument should recognize the changed landscape of the international community and enhance roles for and communication between regional and global governmental bodies and especially non-governmental actors. I recommend a new international instrument on pandemic response be explicit about reporting requirements when governments suspend rights during such emergencies.
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Luciano Bottini Filho
The pandemic status is also a political exercise and a way to phrase a crisis according to political interests. As long as some diseases do not reach a pandemic level, they would not elicit the immediate financial help and international cooperation, which has at least been promised (if not delivered) during COVID.
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Sakiko Fukuda-Parr
Setting out new norms and arrangements for the provision of global public goods for pandemic preparedness and response should be a centrepiece of a new legal instrument that is capable of challenging market power, and builds on human rights principles in synch with the age of hyper-globalization.
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Gian Luca Burci, Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, Aeyal Gross, Tsung-Ling Lee, Joelle Grogan
Amid contention that global governance was unprepared and incapacitated in its response to the COVID-19 pandemic, this November, a special session of the World Health Assembly will convene to discuss a potential international instrument on pandemic preparedness and response.
Marking the launch of the 'International Pandemic Lawmaking: Conceptual and Practical Issues' Symposium, this webinar will bring together leading scholars to critically discuss cross-cutting themes of the Symposium, and key points of contention and recommendation for the future of global pandemic governance.
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Gian Luca Burci
The COVID-19 pandemic has been characterized by mistrust in science, the manipulation of science for political purposes, the “infodemic” of mis- and disinformation, and a repeated failure to base policy decisions on scientific findings. The crisis of confidence in scientific analysis is paradoxical and disquieting, particularly in light of increasing international regulation to manage acute or systemic risks and its reliance on science.
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Joelle Grogan
The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has brought global health structures into sharp relief: it exposed the gross inequalities and inequities of health care access, as well as the symbiosis between human rights, health care, politics, economics, and the law. This symposium, “International Pandemic Lawmaking: Conceptual and Practical Issues,” was convened with two primary aims: to shed light on the inequities and imbalances exposed by global pandemic response, and to advocate recommendations on which principles should guide the framing and drafting of a potential international instrument on pandemic preparedness and response.
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Gerald Becker-Neetz
Die Entscheidung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts zum Klimaschutz vom 24. März 2021 hat der Bundestag mit Gesetzesbeschluss vom 24. Juni 2021 mit dem Ziel umgesetzt, den monierten verfassungswidrigen Zustand zu beseitigen. Parallel zur Umsetzung nimmt eine Debatte über die soziale Dimension des Klimaschutzes Fahrt auf: Der soziale Ausgleich müsse beim Klimaschutz mit bedacht werden.
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Andrew Arato,
We believe that the replacement of the Fundamental Law is necessary, with a rule of law constitution that restores freedom. The new document should be one created by a democratic constituent power according to newly enacted rules, making every effort to avoid civil war and its usually accompanying violence. In its process of drafting the role of the 1989 round table can be a model, even if we cannot count on the acceptance of its new constitutional draft by 2/3 of the parliament elected in 2022.
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Christian Calliess
So überzeugend der Klimabeschluss des BVerfG im Hinblick auf die strukturelle Koppelung der planetaren Grenzen in Form des 1,5-2 Grad-Ziels mit Art. 20a GG im Ergebnis ist, so sehr wirft doch der grundrechtliche Weg dahin in rechtsdogmatischer Hinsicht viele Fragen auf. Ich konzentriere mich in diesem Beitrag auf die Frage, ob der Erste Senat die berühmte, aber zugleich auch umstrittene „Elfes“-Konstruktion fruchtbar macht und in diesem Rahmen einen im Hinblick auf die Grundrechtsdogmatik tragfähigen und zukunftsweisenden Weg beschritten hat.
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Armin Steinbach
Klimaneutralität als alternativloses Ziel politischen Handelns hat jetzt das höchstrichterliche Plazet. Zugleich befördert die neue intergenerationale Vorwirkungsdogmatik einen klimapolitischen Unilateralismus, der so manche ökonomische Binsenweisheit in den Wind schlägt: Trittbrettfahren und carbon leakage werden bei unilateralem Vorpreschen noch für klimapolitische Ernüchterung sorgen.
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Marten Breuer
Der Beschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts zum Klimaschutz ist ein rechtspolitisch wichtiges Signal, auf das die Politik umgehend reagiert hat. Doch so wünschenswert es aus rechtspolitischer Sicht auch sein mag, so unklar sind die grundrechtsdogmatischen Implikationen. Hierzu einige – eher skizzenhafte – Überlegungen.
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,
In seinem Beschluss zum Klimaschutzgesetz hat das BVerfG nicht nur den Klimaschutz gestärkt, sondern auch ein anderes Prinzip aus Art. 20a GG betont: die Generationengerechtigkeit. Bisher gelten in Deutschland oftmals Schuldenbremse und schwarze Null als generationengerechtes Optimum. Diese Ausrichtung ist jedoch das genaue Gegenteil einer Generationengerechtigkeit, wie sie nun auch das BVerfG auslegt.
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Joelle Grogan
The ‘Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic’ Symposium was hosted by the Verfassungsblog, and supported by Democracy Reporting International under the re:constitution program supported by Stiftung Mercator, and the Horizon-2020 RECONNECT project. Over the course of 12 weeks from 22 February to 15 May 2021, the Symposium reported on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on law and legal systems in 64 countries, accompanied by 11 commentaries on transversal themes including human rights, democracy and the rule of law.
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Joelle Grogan
Involving over 100 contributors worldwide, the 2021 Power and COVID-19 Pandemic series builds on the 2020 COVID-19 and States of Emergency Symposium to again provide snapshot critical analysis of a world in continued crisis and extended emergency. This final commentary in the 2021 Symposium is divided in two parts: first, an analysis of the impact the pandemic has had on legal systems over the course of the last year; and second, an outlook on how to prepare for future emergencies by building on the lessons of the current one. This is part II.
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Joelle Grogan
Involving over 100 contributors worldwide, the 2021 Power and COVID-19 Pandemic series builds on the 2020 COVID-19 and States of Emergency Symposium to again provide snapshot critical analysis of a world in continued crisis and extended emergency. This final commentary in the 2021 Symposium is divided in two parts: first, an analysis of the impact the pandemic has had on legal systems over the course of the last year; and second, an outlook on how to prepare for future emergencies by building on the lessons of the current one. This is part I.
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Christine Bell, Sean Molloy, Asanga Welikala, , Erin Houlihan, Rasha Al Saba, Samrawit Gougsa, Joelle Grogan, Sheila Jasanoff, Stephen Hilgartner, Joshua Castellino
How has COVID-19 impacted upon legal and political systems; minorities and indigenous peoples; and conflict-affected states in transition? This final panel debates themes of trust, equality, conflict and power, and concludes with a commentary by the convenor of the Symposium who will draw together key findings, emergent threats, and reasons for hope.
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Anna Katharina Mangold, , Wen-Chen Chang, Julinda Beqiraj, Shaheera Syed, Nadia Tariq-Ali, Chun-Yuan Lin, Joelle Grogan
The COVID-19 pandemic has placed extreme strain on legal systems, requiring action in response to fast-changing and complex situation of the pandemic emergency. This panel evaluates state action - and in particular, executive-decision making - in response to the pandemic against the standard of the rule of law, and considers whether this will lead to permanent shifts in legal systems worldwide.
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Mark A. Graber, Ciara Staunton, Iain Cameron, Anna Jonsson-Cornell, Jerome Amir Singh
Bringing together experts representing states who have adopted divergent attitudes to the role of science in law and decision-making, as well as an examination of vaccination policy, equity and individual choice, this panel considers the complex policy choices, rationales and politics which interplay in decision-making during a pandemic.
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Tom Gerald Daly, Hans Petter Graver, Michael Meyer-Resende, Dean R Knight, Sabine El Hayek
How has democracy been impacted by over a year of pandemic response and emergency? How have states ensured the democratic accountability of their actions in response to the global health emergency? What lessons can be learned for now, and for the future? This panel examines democratic practices, and highlights the best – and most concerning – developments.
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Alice Donald, Nerima Were, Tara Imalingat, Manon Julicher, Max Vetzo, Maria Ela L. Atienza, Lucy Moxham
COVID-19 – and state responses to it - present a threat to human rights unparalleled in the contemporary era. At the same time, human rights offer a universal framework which guides decision-makers, ensures accountability for their actions and omissions, and renders visible the structural inequalities which drives the pandemic’s differential impact on certain communities. Looking forward, this panel discusses how human rights can be used to underpin a just and sustainable post-pandemic recovery.
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Joelle Grogan
Marking the conclusion of the "Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic" Symposium, this webinar series brings together contributors from around the world to discuss the impact of the pandemic on law and governance, drawing on five transversal themes: human rights; democracy; the rule of law; science and decision-making; and the impact of an extended emergency.
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Sheila Jasanoff, Stephen Hilgartner
The CompCoRe study, an ongoing qualitative comparison of policy responses to Covid-19 in sixteen core countries and two affiliates, begun in April 2020, sought to identify and explain patterns of perceived success and failure in managing this multifaceted crisis. [...] As national and international authorities look to futures beyond Covid-19, a lesson emerging from our study is that they should revisit their institutional processes for integrating scientific and political consensus-building. If free citizens are unable to see how expertise is serving the collective good, they will sooner rebel against the experts than give up their independence. Just as a sound mind is said to require a sound body, so the coronavirus has shown that the credibility of public health expertise depends on the health of the body politic.
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Christina Eckes
On 29 April 2021, the Bundesverfassungsgericht published its decision that the Federal Climate Change Act of 12 December 2019, establishing national climate targets and annual emission amounts allowed until 2030, violates fundamental rights. Do the judges in such a case undermine separation of powers as a time-honoured achievement of modern constitutional democracies in order to force the political branches to take urgently necessary actions? No. By allocating different functions to the three branches, executive, legislature, and judiciary, separation of powers aims to ensure that the tension between law and majoritarian politics is perpetuated and that neither law nor politics dominates the other.
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Jerome Amir Singh
Financial self-interest, fiscal considerations, geopolitics, sovereignty, governance, protectionism, and nationalism are currently dictating COVID-19 vaccine procurement at the macro level. Such structural factors indirectly vitiate autonomy at the grassroots level and run counter to the ideal that individuals should have access to the highest attainable standard of health.
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Felix Ekardt
With a real bang, the German Federal Constitutional Court has adjudicated what is probably the most far-reaching decision ever made by a supreme court worldwide on climate protection. This does not preclude the fact that the decision also has considerable weaknesses.
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Konrad Lachmayer
While the Austrian government´s reactions during the first wave of Covid-19 in spring 2020 are considered to have been successful, disillusionment followed in the fall 2020 with a second wave, for which the government did not seem to have prepared properly. The third period (January to April 2021), on which I will focus in this blog entry, shows a mixed performance of the government.
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Katja Rath, Martin Benner
Der Klimaschutz-Beschluss des BVerfG hat auch über das Umweltrecht hinaus Bedeutung, etwa für den Rechtschutz der jungen Generation in den Bereichen der sozialen Sicherungssysteme oder der Staatsverschuldung. Sie gibt Anlass, sämtliche Säulen des gesellschaftlichen Lebens, bei denen Entscheidungen der Gegenwart zu Lasten für künftige Generationen führen, auf mögliche Beschränkungen intertemporaler Freiheiten abzuklopfen.
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Joelle Grogan
On 16 December 2020, despite rising rates of infection and the widely predicted ‘second wave’ already impacting neighbouring European countries, Prime Minister Boris Johnson mocked the opposition for wanting to ‘cancel Christmas’ by reintroducing nationwide lockdown restrictions. Three days later, a nationwide lockdown in England was introduced (inadvertently mimicking the March 2020 commitment that London had ‘zero prospect’ of lockdown, four days before it was enforced). The lockdown – closing schools, universities and a majority of businesses which were deemed non-essential and prohibiting gatherings of more than two people outdoors from separate households – continued until 12 April 2021 when restrictions began to be lessened through a phased ‘roadmap out of lockdown’. Such political hyperbole by the executive and lax response, followed by sudden U-turn policy making (‘essay crisis’ governance) and severely restrictive measures, have characterised much of the response to the pandemic in the UK.
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Satang Nabaneh
More than a year after the pandemic was first reported in The Gambia, the state is returning to ordinary processes. Many COVID-related restrictions have been lifted, allowing businesses, markets, schools, restaurants, bars, gyms, cinemas, and nightclubs to resume normal operations, and borders to be open. However, from 8 March 2021, police permits will no longer be issued for music festivals, political events, and other forms of social gatherings. This comes against the backdrop of the country’s limited resources, weak healthcare systems, and ineffective mitigating measures including social distancing, self-isolation, and avoiding public gatherings to prevent further spread of the virus.
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Helmut Philipp Aust
Das Bundesverfassungsgericht fordert in seinem historischen Klima-Beschluss, über 2031 hinaus zu definieren, wie Emissionen zu reduzieren sind. Die Pointe dieser Konstruktion liegt darin, dass der Gesetzgeber hier nicht nur punktuelle Änderungen für den Zeitraum ab 2031 vornehmen kann, ohne mit anderen Vorgaben Karlsruhes in Konflikt zu geraten.
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Arianna Vedaschi
Domestic emergency powers resorted to in the Covid-19 crisis are very different from each other. Is it possible to identify common trends in the comparative scenario? Limiting the scope of the analysis to democratic countries of the Western European area, at least four different tendencies can be identified.
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Bent Stohlmann
Das Bundesverfassungsgericht stellt in seinem Beschluss vom 24.03.2021 die Verpflichtung für den Gesetzgeber auf, auch für nach 2030 Emissionsziele festzuschreiben. Insoweit das Bundes-Klimaschutzgesetz (KSG) dieses nicht schon heute tut, ist es verfassungswidrig. Dass Karlsruhe hierfür nicht die dogmatische Figur der Schutzpflicht heranzieht, hängt auch mit selbstauferlegten Zwängen des Gerichts zusammen. Dabei äußert sich im Klimabeschluss zugleich ein tieferliegendes Problem der Maßstabsbildung durch das Bundesverfassungsgericht.
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Xin He
It is widely agreed that Wuhan, China is the origin of this pandemic. China has also been criticized for its initial mishandling of the outbreak, including local officials’ cover-up, the incompetence of the Chinese Centre for Disease Control (CDC), and the repression of whistle-blowers. In light of what had happened in other countries, however, China’s subsequent responses were nothing short of miraculous. From its lockdown in Wuhan, to the nationwide joint prevention and control system, from border sealing to mass testing and contact tracing, China’s measures were more intense than almost anywhere else in the world.
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Tom Gerald Daly
What’s the future of the free world? What does the ‘free world’ even mean? Recent reports from leading democracy assessment bodies depict a shrinking democratic atlas that is more fragmented than it has been for decades after a steep decline in every world region.
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Über Regelkreise, Klimawandel und das Bundesverfassungsgericht
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Matthias Goldmann
The judgment of 29 April 2021 quashing parts of the Climate Protection Act (CPA) has made history. Not only because the First Senate of the BVerfG put an end to deferring the reduction of greenhouse gasses to the future, or at least to the next government. But because this turn to the future came in the form of a turn to international law and institutions. It is precisely by relying on international law that the court overcomes the counter-majoritarian difficulty commonly tantalizing climate litigation and human rights law generally. The most astonishing fact is, however, that the court entirely avoids the tragic choice between supposedly undemocratic international commitments and the democratic legislature. I argue that it does so by approaching constitutional law in a decidedly postcolonial perspective.
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Andreas Buser
Der Klima-Beschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts schlägt hohe Wellen. National wie international wird das Urteil bereits jetzt als Meilenstein für den Klimaschutz gefeiert. Der Beschluss legt den Grundstein für eine weitergehende und dauerhafte verfassungsgerichtliche Kontrolle der staatlichen Klimaschutzbemühungen anhand der Grundrechte und Art. 20a GG
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Anna-Julia Saiger
Who ought to decide on climate issues? Now, the Constitutional Court has decided. It held that the provisions of the Federal Climate Protection Act are “incompatible with fundamental rights insofar as they lack sufficient specifications for further emission reductions from 2031 onwards”. This decision is extraordinary in many ways: in its interpretation of the constitutional obligation to protect the environment (art. 20a of the Basic Law) as much as in its commitment to international cooperation and international law in climate issues. From this decision on, the German constitution will speak in the future tense.
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Nerima Were, Allan Maleche, Tara Imalingat
What began as a health crisis quickly morphed into an economic, human rights and governance upheaval. In March 2021, we came full circle as we saw a return to excessive law enforcement in the country on account of the third wave of the virus, which has led to a surge in the number of people testing positive and thrown the country back into a state of disarray as poorly resourced health facilities grapple with the influx of cases.
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Beatrice Monciunskaite
The government response to COVID-19 in Latvia can be characterised as one of legal caution. Even though successive states of emergency have been used to manage the crisis, adequate parliamentary and judicial oversight has resulted in broadly proportional handling of the pandemic.
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Nika Ba?i? Selanec
The Croatian government has, much like any other, struggled to find an adequate response to the pandemic of COVID-19. “Dancing with the virus” for the last year entailed introducing, relaxing and re-introducing more or less stringent measures limiting constitutional rights and individual liberties based on epidemiologic developments and political priorities of the day, or season. The measures have ranged from almost a full lockdown in early 2020 when our numbers of infections were amongst the lowest ones in Europe, to a (far too) lenient regime during the tourist season in summer and fall 2020, when the budgetary, economic and political concerns prevailed over the need to address the serious worsening of our epidemiologic parameters. Even today, in the midst of the ‘third wave’, Croatia has quite a moderate set of measures.
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Maria Ela L. Atienza
The Philippines have one of the longest lockdowns in the world in response to COVID-19. This post reviews the past year, focusing on the main legal and political issues as well as prospects in the country with the second highest total number of COVID-19 cases in Southeast Asia.
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Rasha Al Saba, Samrawit Gougsa
The disproportionate impact of Covid-19 on minorities and indigenous peoples across the globe has been well documented. Individuals from these communities have been infected at a greater rate, are more likely to die after contracting the disease and now risk being at the back of the queue in national vaccination programmes. Our work has focussed on a number of elements of this phenomenon, including a study of the disproportionate burden of Covid-19 on the most marginalized communities worldwide, and the ways that members from these communities have been pushed into forced labour as a result of the pandemic.
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The coronavirus pandemic posed an unprecedented challenge for the Lithuanian society and the decision-makers. Lithuania’s response to the disease was overseen by two different governments - a populist centre-left government in spring 2020 and a liberal-centre-right coalition formed after the 2020 October parliamentary elections. Since Lithuania’s approach to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic including its legal/constitutional framework has already been addressed, the present analysis will focus on the second quarantine as well as on some overarching issues concerning the rule of law, human rights and good governance.
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Manon Julicher, Max Vetzo
Along with Covid, the Government’s response, and the growing public unrest, came a continuing string of constitutional questions and developments, that is unlikely to diminish anytime soon. Building on the abovementioned Verfassungsblog post, we will discuss the main constitutional Covid-19 highlights, largely chronologically. Throughout we will pay particular attention to three recurring and interrelated themes: the evolving role of Parliament in shaping the political and legal response to Covid-19, the relevance and varying intensity of judicial control in pandemic times, and the omnipresence of fundamental rights concerns.
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Wen-Chen Chang, Chun-Yuan Lin
Except for a minor hospital cluster infection in late January 2021, there has been no sign of community spreading. Compared to what has been going on globally with three million death, Taiwan’s control of Covid-19 pandemic is a miraculous success, particularly given its barred access to the World Health Organization and its geographic proximity and economic close ties with China. Notably, this success has been achieved without issuance of any emergency order for lockdowns, shelter in place, business closure, or school suspension. People’s daily lives have been kept without substantial interruption. Because of this, Taiwan’s legal and regulatory responses with the Covid-19 pandemic was praised as the least restrictive in the world.
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Zemelak Ayele, Yonatan Fessha
Covid-19’s arrival in Ethiopia was especially inopportune, coming as it did when the country was at a political crossroads and the federation under heavy strain as a result of unprecedented intergovernmental disputes. Covid-19 emerged just two years after the three year public protests which began soon after the 2015 elections in which the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the ruling coalition until 2019, claimed 100% victory. The public protests led to a political division within the party resulting in the coming to power of Abiy Ahmed who re-configured the party.
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Dean R Knight
Just over a year since the first outbreak in New Zealand, we cast our eye back and reflect on the government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Without question, the response is a study in the wonders of modern government, given the magnitude of the threat, the different dimensions of community wellbeing at stake and different parts of government involved in the response. Public health guidance, clinical health care, economic support and stimulus, social welfare and support, border security and surveillance. The list goes on....
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Joelle Grogan, Julinda Beqiraj
The COVID-19 pandemic has presented an extreme strain on legal systems worldwide, as they struggled to adapt existing legislative frameworks, administrative functions, and executive decision-making to the fast-changing and complex situation of the pandemic emergency. The measures adopted worldwide, including mandates in the form of lockdowns and restrictions on gatherings, closures of educational and business institutions, have been not only among the most restrictive limitations on the rights of the majority of global population but also long lasting, with uncertain ending.
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Hans Petter Graver
One year into the pandemic it is necessary to take stock of what has been achieved by the measures that have been implemented, and to reflect on their costs. Phrased differently, how successful have the authorities been in their endeavors to contain and control the spread of COVID-19? And from a legal point of view, what are the constitutional and cultural legacies of a year of deploying war-like measures against the virus? In this contribution to the symposium, I revisit the Norwegian COVID-19 response. In particular, I begin to unpack the narrative of success and its impact on deliberative democratic discourse. I do this by way of taking stock of the response through the lens of three rule of law indicators, namely the application of the principle of legality, the degree of parliamentary control, and adherence to open and democratic principles of rule-making.
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Ahmed Ellaboudy
Indeed, from the very outset, Egypt’s attitude concerning the management of the pandemic crisis was the adoption of the minimum possible actions, which does not harm the state economic plan, nor change the way the system functions. From a formalist point of view, Egypt has existed in a permanent state of emergency since 2017, and as a consequence, no specific legal response was adopted by the state which might alter the regular decision-making process or power arrangements between different branches. The desire of presenting an image to the public that the situation is under control was a crucial factor in Egypt's political, legal, and economic response to the COVID-19 crisis.
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Mark A. Graber
COVID revealed the extent to which attacks on evidence-based politics are part and parcel of the right-wing populist challenge to constitutional democracy in the United States and elsewhere. Right-wing populism challenges constitutional commitments to rule of law and basic liberal freedoms, as such strongmen as Erdogan. Orban and Maduro seize control of courts and persecute dissidents. Populist responses to the pandemic in the United States raise equally important questions about the constitutional commitments to science that are as important to constitutional democracy as the rule of law.
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Tamar Hostovsky Brandes
Israel’s response to the pandemic took place in an unstable and highly polarized political climate. This affected the decisions taken in several ways. First, throughout the crisis, it was difficult to achieve agreement within the government on required actions. In addition, decisions often reflected political rather than professional considerations, a problem that was exacerbated by the instability of the coalition. The prospect of additional elections also effected the political will to enforce restrictions, in particular in the Ultra-Orthodox sector, as Ultra-Orthodox parties are perceived by Netanyahu as necessary partners in any government coalition.
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It has now been a year since the beginning of this prolonged pandemic, the state of emergency (decreed on March 15, 2020 and extended throughout this entire time), the various levels of confinement and restrictions on civil liberties such as freedom of movement and the right of assembly, and a severe economic recession. At this point, our balance sheet is in the red. This is not only because we reached an official death toll of 52,000 and some 1.5 million cases of infection by March of this year, but also because there has been a severe weakening of institutions, which would explain—in part—why Peru is one of the countries in Latin America that has been hardest hit by COVID-19.
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Alice Donald, Philip Leach
We anticipated a year ago that the pandemic, and state responses to it, presented both threats and opportunities in relation to the full panoply of human rights—civil, political, economic, social and cultural. Our proposition was that, as Scheinin ventures, “human rights do not present a barrier to decisive action to contain the virus”. Rather, they offer a universal frame of reference in the context of COVID-19—guiding national authorities as they balance competing interests and priorities; ensuring public accountability for their actions and omissions; and rendering visible the structural injustices that have driven the contagion’s disproportionate impact on certain communities. A year on, these arguments are all the starker.
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Shaheera Syed, Nadia Tariq-Ali
The ‘lives versus livelihood’ conundrum in Pakistan is emblematic of the difficulties that accompany the balancing of conflicting rights in transitioning democracies. From testing the ability of various tiers of the government machinery to work together to keeping the economy afloat as the country faced lockdowns, Pakistan deeply felt the onset of the burden of disease. The country’s journey through the pandemic was shrouded in deep political contestations over power struggle between the provinces and the centre. As the crisis deepened in mid-2020, the social policies for pandemic response became the site for centralising authority; where trade-offs were made between fundamental rights and well-being of citizens to draw political mileage and cementing the narrative of the centre.
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Seokmin Lee, Tae-Ho Kim
South Korea has reduced the significant number of new confirmed COVID-19 cases without ordering stringent restrictions, nor locking down regions and causing severe economic damage. South Korea was able to slow down the spread of COVID-19 along with the government’s quick reaction to the disease. The government has been implementing nationwide free public testing programs. The KCDC in the government tracked all the confirmed cases’ geographic footprints and publicized the information to the people via online websites and mobile texts. Local cities opened up an innovative ‘drive-through’ testing area, which became a model followed by other countries. The civil society has also generally followed the guidelines provided by government, including using medical face masks and adapting to ‘social-distancing.
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Anna Katharina Mangold
In January 2020, information about a highly contagious virus in Wuhan started to get public attention in Germany. Initially, as can be expected in times of crisis, it was mostly the executive that took action. Due to federal competence allocation, first acted the local authorities in their capacity as health authorities, soon joined by the governments of the federal states (Länder) and the federal government. By now, legislative amendments have formed a massive body of Corona legislation, covering various aspects of economic and social life in Germany. The debate has mainly focused on questions of vertical and horizontal separation of powers, the role of expertise in the Covid response, and restrictions of fundamental rights as adjudicated by courts.
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This blogpost analyses the Czech situation from the perspective of the rule of law requirements and identifies two main deficiencies: a significant and long-lasting shift of power to the executive, and an ostentatious lack of reasoning of the executive crisis measures. Fortunately, these ‘two tales of executive arrogance’ have been somewhat counterweighed by the legislature and the judiciary.
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Considering the political scenario, this article will highlight that the government's management of the pandemic has been ill-timed; it has not been holistic but rather aimed at providing temporary solutions without alleviating the underlying problems of the Ecuadorian population and that the control of the President's exceptional powers has been assumed mainly by the Constitutional Court of Ecuador and not by the legislature.
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This article first analyses the various dimensions of the public health and human rights crisis, in order to identify, secondly, the breadth of the efforts that need to be made for a short- and long-term human rights-based response to COVID-19.
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Bianca Selejan-Gutan
The year 2020 was a difficult one for Romania, as for the whole world, because of the Covid-19 crisis which overlapped with other local crises of political, legal and social natures. The country’s response to the Covid-19 challenges was rendered even more difficult and incoherent by these crises. In February-March 2020, the government and the President were looking for a solution in order to initiate the procedure for early elections and at the very first moments of the pandemic the country had an interim government after a motion of censure had passed.
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Ridwanul Hoque
Government authorities and political leaders take huge pride in claiming that Bangladesh has been one of the most successful countries to tackle COVID-19, with the least number of deaths compared with the size of its population (165 million). In reality, the COVID-situation and Bangladesh’s responses to the crisis are much different than the rosy picture that is often drawn.
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Jakub Jaraczewski
This post will cover four core areas of legal concern regarding the Polish response to COVID-19 across the last few months. First of them is the continued issue of legality of the measures used. Second is the issue of transparency and clarity of the measures employed with a particular look at the issue of exiting the emergency. Third is the matter of judicial oversight and the role of Polish courts during the pandemic. Fourth issue pertains to the convergence between the challenges brought about by the pandemic and the continued backsliding of the rule of law and erosion of human rights in Poland.
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Luwie Ganeshathasan
In the midst of this public health emergency, Sri Lanka’s legal system has contributed little if anything to Sri Lanka’s response to Covid-19 since March 2020. The legal system has been expected to and in a large part has in fact been “kept out of the way” of the political actors. In this post I will provide an overview of the GoSL’s legal and political response to Covid-19 and will highlight the implications of key actions on the rule of law and democratic governance. I will thereafter briefly capture the outlook for 2021.
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Kristian Cedervall Lauta
On 11th March 2020 the Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen found herself in a historic moment. The infection numbers in Denmark had dramatically increased within the last 24 hours - from just 157 infected in total on the 10th of March to 514 on March 11th – and a, now well-documented, disagreement between the health authorities and the government on the overall strategy had forced the hand of the Prime Minister to take decisive action. Dressed all in black, the prime minister ceremonially opened the press conference with the, now famous, words: “What I will tell you tonight, will have major implications for all Danes”. Indeed, almost one year from the Prime minister’s public prophecy, we can conclude - it did.
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Ciara Staunton
COVID-19 is our first digital pandemic. An effective response to COVID-19 is reliant on access to data that can be used to identify COVID-19 hotspots, guide national and localised responses, as well as be used in research aimed at developing COVID-19 diagnostics, therapies and vaccines. This digital pandemic has thus seen a shift in our data practices. “Open science” and the rapid data sharing of the results of clinical trials, observational studies, operational research, routine surveillance, information on the virus and its genetic sequences, as well as the monitoring of disease control programmes has been pushed to a new level.
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Samo Bardutzky,
Slovenia had a very different experience in the first and the second wave of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic. In the first wave, the number of infections and deaths per capita has been comparatively low and Slovenia was even identified as a “corona success story”. The second wave, however, has propelled Slovenia into the highest ranks of mortality per capita globally with the total of 162 deaths per 100,000 people from the beginning of the pandemic until 25 January 2021. The Government introduced stringent measures in Autumn 2020, including the complete ban on assembly and sale of non-essential items, the closure of educational institutions, a strict 9 pm - 6 am curfew, and the prohibition of movement across municipal borders.
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Marie-Laure Basilien-Gainche
To cope with the COVID-19 crisis, the French Parliament adopted the Act n° 2020-290 creating a new regime of exception: the state of health emergency. It is concerning as it confers more powers and large leeway to the executive branch than the traditional state of security emergency, and as it offers the opportunity to restrict widely rights and liberties with almost no checks and balances.
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Oran Doyle
In Ireland, it is not constitutionally permissible to declare an emergency in response to COVID-19. The legal response, therefore, has been mounted within the normal constitutional framework. This has consisted of five primary statutes that (a) empower the Minister for Health to make regulations (secondary legislation) imposing restrictions to control the pandemic and (b) establish enforcement powers that the Minister for Health can attach to particular restrictions. By early March 2021, the Minister had made 74 sets of regulations imposing restrictions.
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, Emre Turkut
Ever since the first officially reported COVID-19 case in the country in March in 2020, Turkey, like most of the world, has taken measures to control the pandemic. The measures taken by Turkey included limitations on freedom of movement, closing schools and moving to online teaching at schools as and universities, restrictions on business opening hours, cessation of prison and detention visits, prohibition of resignation for healthcare staff, and, more stringently, the introduction of curfews.
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Abdurrachman Satrio, Mohammad Ibrahim
It has been a year since the first Covid-19 case was confirmed in Indonesia, in early March 2020. At that time, the Indonesian government underestimated the dangers of Covid-19, which proved fatal since the virus continued to spread gradually to all Indonesian provinces within a month. At the time of writing, Indonesia is the country with the highest number of positive cases in Southeast Asia with 1,419,455, even the Covid-19 death rate in Indonesia is among the highest in the world.
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Sean Molloy, Christine Bell, Asanga Welikala, Erin Houlihan,
This post looks at emergency law responses to the Covid-19 pandemic in conflict-affected states in transition. While some type of emergency response to Covid-19 has been used in most states, we suggest that conflict ‘fault lines’ can mean that emergency law responses have a capacity to undermine transitions.
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Marzieh Tofighi Darian
As of January 26, 2021, Iran has reported a total of 57,481 death and more than 1,300,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19, making it the hardest-hit country in the Middle East. After days of denial, Iranian officials finally confirmed the first COVID-19 related death on February 19, 2020. The government’s response in the early days of the pandemic was a preview of what was to come: refusing to quarantine the city of Qom, the first epicenter of COVID in Iran; rejecting the call to postpone the Parliamentary elections; and continuing to receive flights from China, all resulting in the quick spread of the virus across the country.
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Merilin Kiviorg,
The first coronavirus infection in Estonia was diagnosed on 27 February 2020. Immediately, some steps were taken by the Government to deal with the rapidly evolving and changing situation, including placing some restrictions on freedom of movement especially on people in quarantine. To further tackle the emerging crisis the Government established a state of emergency on Estonian territory. This was done by Order No. 76 of 12 March 2020. The numbers of infected in spring 2020 were low in comparison with the numbers of infected during the second wave in autumn-winter 2020. On the day when the emergency situation was declared there were only 27 COVID-19 positive people.
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Ciara Staunton, Melodie Labuschaigne
On 15 March 2020 with only 61 cases and 0 deaths recorded, President Ramaphosa quickly decided that swift action was required and declared a state of disaster. Despite this quick action, South Africa has recorded the highest number of cases in Africa. This post will consider whether its response has been legitimate, proportionate and subject to appropriate judicial oversight.
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A year ago, the first lockdowns were introduced in Europe. Since then, European governments have been busy introducing COVID-19 containment measures, including social distancing rules and mask mandates. For two months, they have been vaccinating the people. Ostensibly, the EU countries have taken similar steps. This piece provides a sketch of how the Hungarian government has handled the pandemic.
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Sabine El Hayek
Lebanon is facing an unprecedented crisis due to the continuous political turmoil and the unfolding economic and financial meltdown, exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. This situation was further aggravated by the devastating 4 August explosion of 2,750 tonnes of Ammonium Nitrate at the port of Beirut that killed over 200 people, injured more than 7,000 and left thousands of residents without a roof. To date, justice has not been served, and no one has been held accountable. The combined impact of these crushing tragedies in addition to the rampant inflation is catastrophic on citizens’ livelihoods.
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Maaike De Ridder
As Covid-19 started to make its way onto Belgian territory, the Belgian federal government found itself in the midst of political disorder and negotiations to form a government after the May 2019 elections. Up until March 2020, the competent authority to decide on Covid measures was a caretaker minority government (Regering Wilmès I). But, after the first big outburst of cases in Belgium, the government formation accelerated. Nine political parties made a deal to give the resigning minority government full authority to combat the virus and its economic and social ramifications by a motion of confidence (Regering Wilmès II).
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At the beginning of this pandemic in Iceland, the sense of urgency, uncertainty, and necessity seemed to be front and centre. New and far-reaching restrictions were seen, at least by some, as ‘a necessary evil’ in order to protect us from a new and, in a sense, invisible threat. The learning curve for the government was also steep. According to our law, the government had a wide discretion to address this novel situation. Less than a year later, this is still true to a certain extent. However, whereas the necessity to act was predominant in the first stages of the pandemic, questions of constitutionality and legality are now moving to the forefront.
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Max Steuer
In spring 2020, Slovakia was praised for minimizing the instances of the COVID-19 pandemic. By early 2021, however, with Slovakia among the top five countries with the highest increase of COVID-19-induced death cases, a very different picture has emerged, highlighting the costs of neglecting democracy considerations (encompassing human rights and the rule of law) by the executive in particular.
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Paul Daly
As of early 2021, the COVID-19 pandemic continues to rage across Canada. These are dark days. Although the arrival of vaccines suggests light will soon appear at the end of the tunnel, Canada is a long way from the end of its COVID-19 crisis.
In this blog, I hope to illuminate readers, through the lens of pandemic-related public law litigation, about how Canada has responded to COVID-19.
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Cristina Fasone
The activity of the coalition Government between the Five Star Movement (5SM), the Democratic Party and other centre-left junior allies to tackle COVID-19 has been praised by some and severely criticized by others. Looking back at this first year of pandemic, a crucial problem of the Italian management of the disease and the related economic and social crises has been the lack of loyal cooperation; a principle entrenched into the Constitution (Art. 120, second para, Const.), with regard to the relationship amongst the different levels of government.
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Esteban Hoyos-Ceballos,
It has been a year now since a discussion began about the profound changes that the arrival of the SARS-Cov-2 pandemic could bring to our constitutional systems. This year has confirmed that the bad omens of the early days of the pandemic were well justified. The system has been put through a severe stress test and, unfortunately, we cannot say that it has been up to the challenge. This blog post seeks to briefly review the main events that have marked the institutional response to the pandemic and the implications that this response has had for the Colombian constitutional system.
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Radosveta Vassileva
In a prior article, I explained how the Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borissov was using the COVID-19 emergency in spring 2020 as an opportunity to implement measures curtailing fundamental rights and solidifying his autocracy. Subsequently, Borissov’s GERB party enacted questionable amendments to the Law on Health permitting the executive to usurp powers traditionally conferred onto Parliament in Bulgaria’s constitutional order.
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Roman Petrov, Bohdan Bernatskyi
The pandemic has exposed all the weaknesses and shortcomings of the Ukrainian health protection system, which has been on a periphery of the national reforms agenda for many years. In many regards, the Ukrainian way to protect the population against infectious diseases remains ineffective and fragmented and based of outdated Soviet-time approaches and methods. To date, Ukraine is one of the unfortunate leaders among European countries in confirmed Covid-19 cases and coronavirus death tolls. There is still no clear national strategy on how to prevent the further spread of Covid-19 in Ukraine is in place. The President of Ukraine and the Ministry of Health of Ukraine forecasted the terms of vaccination under the WHO COVAX initiative. However, detailed arrangements are far from being in place.
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Teresa Violante, Rui T. Lanceiro
Following an initial comparatively successful handling of the pandemic, infection numbers began increasing consistently after September in Portugal and reached an alarming rate at the beginning of 2021. A second lockdown started on January 14, 2021, with record infection and mortality rates and the National Health Service near breakdown. On 21 January, the measures were tightened and included the closure of schools and universities. A year later, Portugal is back to square one, and, as the failure to control the growth of the pandemic seems evident, medical and moral despair dominate. The impact of the restrictions on the freedom of movement contributed to a decline in the country’s overall score of The Economist’s Democracy Index 2020, that now qualifies it as a “democracy with flaws”.
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Pui-yin Lo
Hong Kong was one of the front urban regions that recorded COVID-19 cases in early 2020. One year later, there were recorded over 11,000 confirmed cases and 200 deaths. At the time of writing, this Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China is struggling with the fourth wave of infections, which is the most virulent thus far, due to the combination of community spread initiated a cluster of dancing instructors and students, and the infiltration of the coronavirus, finally, into the least hygienic environs of the built-up areas.
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Edoardo Stoppioni
With the end of the first wave of COVID-19, the state of crisis was ended in June 2020 in Luxembourg. But its problematic features seem to have remained in the legislative action tackling the second wave. Two main differences appear between the legal approach adopted in March and the current one.
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Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law
A conversation with Alexandra Phelan, Maike Voss, Mark Eccleston-Turner, Pedro Villarreal, and Leticia Casado, moderated by Alexandra Kemmerer.
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Ratna Rueban Balasubramaniam
The COVID-19 pandemic occasioned a de facto worldwide state of exception. In Malaysia, the beginning of the pandemic would coincide with political turmoil. In 2018, a democratic reformist government surprisingly rose to power after unexpectedly winning the general election. The victory ended six decades of ethnocratic and authoritarian rule under the United Malay National Organization (“UMNO”), a Malay nationalist party committed to a political doctrine of ethnic “Malay Dominance.” However, in March 2020, just as the WHO declared a global pandemic, a series of political machinations brought down the reformist government.
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Constantinos Kombos
The outbreak of COVID-19 caught the Cypriot legal order unprepared as regards the effective response in containing the spread of the virus. Contrary to the approach of other European states that declared a state of emergency, Cyprus opted for the adoption of executive measures based on pre-existing, primary legislation. In the absence of any contemporary legislation and with the conscious decision not to table legislation, the executive employed the provisions of colonial legislation, namely the Quarantine Law (Cap. 260) which was enacted in 1932 by the British. The said law intended to regulate the imposition of quarantine and provided for the prevention in the then colony of dangerous infectious diseases. Following the independence of Cyprus in 1960, colonial legislation – including Cap. 260 – remained in effect, as per article 188 of the Cypriot Constitution, subject to compliance with constitutional provisions.
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Kirill Koroteev
As the end of the year 2020 approached, the Vice-President of the French Conseil d’État Bruno Lasserre commented on one line of the case-law that appeared in the pandemic year: urgent application judges had to decide on the legality of rules found in press-releases and interviews by first deciphering legal rules and their hierarchy from those texts. This reflected exactly my experience as a practitioner in 2020 Russia: advising a client having weighed whether a blog of the Speaker of the Moscow City Duma carried more authority than a televised interview of the Moscow Mayor.
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Felix Uhlmann, Odile Ammann
In our earlier blog contributions, we analysed whether the Swiss federal government (the Federal Council) acted within the bounds of the Swiss Constitution (hereinafter: Cst.) when enacting emergency ordinances in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. We criticised the self-suspension of Parliament in March 2020, and we had a first glance at the interaction between the Confederation and the cantons. We are now, hopefully, halfway through the pandemic, which justifies a look back and a look into the future, especially into the ongoing vaccination efforts.
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Thulasi K. Raj
In the recent global history of constitutional democracies, it is difficult to name a single crisis that has plagued them simultaneously, until the COVID-19 pandemic. The calamity brought in by the virus was universal. For governments, it presented an opportunity for crisis management without compromising rights guarantees. Some countries have marginally succeeded in this test while in others, concerns of democratic decline were amplified. Three features defined the Indian response to COVID-19: lack of transparency, executive monopoly and suppression of dissent.
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Alicia Cebada Romero, Elvira Dominguez Redondo
The Spanish response to the waves of the COVID-19 pandemic that have affected the territory has so far largely relied on emergency powers. The measures were adopted on the basis of the pre-existing legal framework provided in article 116 of the Constitution and its legislative development, Ley Orgánica 4/1981 on state of alarm, exception and siege, adopted on 1 June 1981 (henceforth LO 4/1981). As explained below, two different approaches have characterised the response to the first and second wave. However, both have their legal basis on the same norms and are based on the same legal category, i.e., the state of alarm ('estado de alarma').
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Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law
A book launch conversation to mark the publication of ""Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States. Taking Stock of Europe's Actions", with Adam Bodnar, András Jakab, Justyna Łacny, Christoph Möllers, Joseph Weiler et al.
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Eugenio Velasco
Close to a year since its first confirmed case of COVID-19, several indicators place Mexico among the countries that have suffered the worst effects of the pandemic. This post offers a critical overview of the governmental responses to the outbreak. It begins by describing the actions taken by officials of the different branches and levels of government. This is followed by an assessment of the many omissions and deficiencies that have characterized the response of the Federal Executive. Lastly, it closes by offering an outlook for 2021.
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George Karavokyris
In the first wave of the pandemic (March-June 2020) Greece has been widely praised for having taken all necessary actions to contain effectively the spread of the virus. Despite the reasonable concerns, a consensus among scholars about the constitutionality of harsh restrictions on rights was reached, along with a broad social acceptance, due to the priority of health public interest and the exceptional character of the measures. Set by an emergency mechanism, the framework of the “crisis-law” remains alive and binding, while the country is possibly entering, after the second and more lethal spike (November-January), the third wave of Covid-19.
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, Thomas Bustamante, Joelle Grogan, Jakub Jaraczewski, Thulasi K. Raj, Martin Scheinin
Marking the launch of the 2021 "Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic" Symposium, this webinar will bring together five contributors to discuss the impact of the pandemic on legal systems globally, and offer initial assessments for the rule of law, democracy, and human rights.
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Shirin Chua, Jaclyn L. Neo
The Covid-19 pandemic has tested the legal, political, economic and public health systems of countries all over the world, and Singapore – particularly as it found itself having to hold a general election in the middle of the pandemic – is no exception. However, it does seem that the pandemic has created opportunities for consolidation of democracy in Singapore as a result of increased citizen-state interactions during this time.
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Iain Cameron, Anna Jonsson-Cornell
The Swedish political and legal response to the Covid-19 pandemic is best described as soft in terms of the character of the measures applied, and decentralized in terms of the division of powers and responsibilities. Swedish constitutional law does not provide for a state of emergency in a peace time crisis, such as a pandemic. Instead, the principle of statutory anticipation is used, which means that ordinary laws (with, in some cases, special provisions which can be activated) apply also in a time of crisis, e.g. the Public Order Act (POA), which allows the government to restrict the number of participants in public meetings or organized public events. Where these powers are deemed to be insufficient, the legislative procedure should be sufficiently flexible to allow new powers to be added relatively speedily. However, the events in 2020 showed that this approach suffers from several deficiencies.
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Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Rawin Leelapatana
COVID-19 posed one of the biggest challenges to the government of Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former junta leader and current prime minister. He successfully controlled the first round of pandemic, which spiked in mid-March by enforcing disproportionately harsh measures for unnecessarily prolonged period. [...] This article discusses the government’s failure to utilize emergency power to manage COVID-19 and assesses adverse effects brought about by the prolonged state of emergency.
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Martin Scheinin
In mid-April 2020 Verfassungsblog published my first take on Finland’s response to COVID-19, under the characterisation 'Best Practice and Problems'. Into February 2021, Finland has remained one of the few European champions in combating the epidemic, with 9,423 cases and 131 deaths (both per one million inhabitants and by 18 February 2021). Notably, Finland’s success has not followed from strict ‘draconian’ measures but from a combination of factors that include at least geographical location; cultural patterns that support physical distancing and even isolation; a well-functioning healthcare system; a good level of compliance; comparatively good levels of vitamin D; and sheer luck which would be related to the first factor, geographical location.
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Emilio Peluso Neder Meyer, Thomas Bustamante
In the first half of January 2021, Brazil had already counted more than 200,000 deaths and 8 million people diagnosed with COVID-19. Throughout 2020, the responses from the federal government, which should have taken on a coordination role considering the federalised National Health Service (SUS, Sistema Único de Saúde), were confusing and inefficient. Doubts and scepticism spread by the federal executive undermined the work of governors and mayors and, mirroring the American example, contributed to increase the number of cases and casualties.
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Marco Rizzi, Tamara Tulich
Australia’s legal and political response to the outbreak of COVID-19 has been marked by the formation of a new intergovernmental forum, the National Cabinet, to lead a coordinated national response to the pandemic, and the declaration of successive states of emergency at the federal and state levels activating extraordinary executive powers, including limitations on movement and border closures. Australia’s response has, to date, resulted in the successful curtailment of community transmission of COVID-19 in Australian States and Territories. However, the response to the pandemic has also involved the removal of existing mechanisms of executive accountability, suspensions of Parliament and little parliamentary scrutiny or other oversight of executive action. These democratic deficits present fresh challenges for Australia going forward, particularly as the National Cabinet structure becomes permanent and the states of emergency endure for the foreseeable future.
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Joelle Grogan
One year on how has the COVID-19 pandemic affected the law, and the way states govern? Should we be concerned about the ongoing use of emergency powers? How can we look forward to what lies ahead? Convened by Joelle Grogan, this Symposium is hosted by the Verfassungsblog and supported by Democracy Reporting International and the Horizon-2020 RECONNECT project.
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, Nico Krisch
Multiple legalities: a high-profile online conference on conflict and entanglement in the global legal order will be live-streamed on Verfassungsblog next week.
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, Nico Krisch
Whether a bureaucrat in an environmental ministry tries to keep track of the various reporting duties she needs to comply with, or an investor seeks to understand the law of international financial transactions; whether a human rights defender faces a multi-level system of domestic and international human rights institutions with which to engage, or a professional athlete competes in a setting where rules from various entities – states, professional associations, the competition conveners – apply, there are today few (if any) situations that are governed by only one single regulatory framework. Multiplicity, it is now widely agreed, is a condition of the law beyond and increasingly also within the state.
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, Nico Krisch, Julia Eckert, Miguel Poiares Maduro, Balakrishnan Rajagopal, Surabhi Ranganathan
How do different actors navigate law’s multiplicity? This panel will bring together perspectives from law, critical theory and legal anthropology to discuss how actors’ engagements with legal norms shifts our understanding of law as a unitary order.
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Laura Mai, Jason Rudall, Lars Viellechner, Sarah Nouwen, Tomer Broude
This panel will analyse different ways in which norms from different legalities are being related: how do different forms of ordering in the field of climate change (standards, guidelines and frameworks) interact with one another? How do norms of environmental protection impact other areas of international law? And how can we best conceptualize the ways in which such norm interactions take place and provide guidance to normative conflicts – are they examples of colliding systems or instead of an emerging legal tapestry?
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Poul F. Kjaer, Julia Eckert, Tobias Berger, Julie Wetterslev, Robert Hamilton
This panel investigates how international law, formal state law and Indigenous and/or religious law interact and relate to one another by contrasting the historical example of 18th century maritime provinces in Canada with contemporary legal disputes from Bangladesh and Nicaragua to. The papers use ethnographic and legal historical methods to better understand those relationships.
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Michele Krech, Lucy Lu Reimers, , Rozemarijn Roland Holst, , Oren Perez
How do norms get transformed and do new norms emerge from legal interactions? This panel looks at this question with three different case studies of actors weaving different legalities together: World Athletics’ engagement with the norm of gender equality; UNCLOS courts’ and tribunals’ consideration of broader norms of ocean governance; and the impact of corporate social responsibility norms on WTO law.
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, , Ralf Michaels,
Almost seventy years after Philip Jessup coined the term “transnational law” as “all law which regulates actions or events that transcend national frontiers…both public and private international law”, the public-private law dichotomy is still deeply entrenched in legal thought. This panel brings together scholars who have regularly transcended this dichotomy in their work to discuss how legal multiplicity is impacting on our understanding of transnational law today.
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, Thomas Streinz, Ralf Michaels, Nofar Sheffi, Stefania di Stefano
How are online platforms that are used by billions of users around the world regulated? This panel looks at how platform economies such as Facebook or AirBnB are regulated and how they relate with and connect the different legalities they come into contact with. Does this challenge traditional understandings of law?
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Tomer Broude, Laurence Boisson de Chazournes, B.S. Chimni, Miranda Forsyth,
When faced with multiple legalities, how do we know what “the law” is, and how is this notion formed by different actors coming at this question from different vantage points? This panel investigates this question through different case studies, ranging from the post-colonial state of Papua New Guinea to Northern Colombia and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
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Anne Peters, Poul F. Kjaer, Surabhi Ranganathan, Oren Perez, Fulya Apaydin, Charles Roger
Informal, “soft” law has often been investigated through the lens of network authority. This panel contrasts two such perspectives from transnational law – private transnational legal regimes in the field of corporate social responsibility and the transition from and connections between informal and formal law in the field of global financial governance – with a theoretical approach that emphasizes the importance of connectivity norms for the global legal order.
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Nico Krisch, Jeff Dunoff, Andrea Liese,
The Conference on Multiple Legalities is organized as part of the interdisciplinary research group “Overlapping Spheres of Authority and Interface Conflicts in the Global Order”. Three research groups present their main insights from this multi-year collaborative endeavor in conversation with Jeffrey L. Dunoff. Some research results can be found in a Global Constitutionalism Special Issue.
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Sarah Nouwen, Brian Z. Tamanaha,
How does multiplicity in law beyond (and within) the state affect our understanding of the nature of law? In this discussion, international law scholar Sarah Nouwen engages in a conversation with legal philosophers Brian Z. Tamanaha and Christoph Möllers to take stock of the debate and its implications for theories of law.
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, Balakrishnan Rajagopal, , Pascal McDougall, Gabriele Wadlig
Formal legal rules do not appear out of thin air. Rather, their emergence is conditioned by frameworks that are invisible to the formalist perspective. This panel looks at how formal law is driven by an array of less visible factors: data, algorithms, and broader “background rules”.
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Nico Krisch, Antoine Duval, , Machiko Kanetake, Caroline de Lima e Silva
How do different legal orders interact vertically? Is this interaction marked by conflict and contestation, or by compromise and collaboration? This panel looks at three different such interactions: between domestic courts and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights; between regional human rights courts and United Nations Treaty Bodies; and between Swiss domestic law and the lex sportiva.
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, Dana Burchardt, Brian Z. Tamanaha, Francesco Corradini, Valentin Jeutner
When attempting to analyse multiple legalities, various conceptualizations have been and continue to be offered to capture this phenomenon. These different conceptualizations rest on different images of multiplicity. How do we arrive at such diverging conceptualizations, and what are the reasons behind them? This panel presents and discusses three different images of multiplicity.
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Anne Peters, Laurence Boisson de Chazournes, B.S. Chimni, Jeff Dunoff
This panel assembles four eminent international law scholars to discuss how the multiplicity of law beyond the state observed over the past two days affects the study of international law today. What are the prospects for international law as a discipline?
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, Nico Krisch, Mattias Kumm, Sarah Nouwen
In closing, we aim to take stock of the two-day conference and our attempt to bring into conversation scholars from different backgrounds to understand the implications of multiplicity for the theory and practice of law beyond the state.
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Lucia Rubinelli
Let me start by expressing my gratitude to the editors of the Verfassung blog and to the contributors to this debate. When I was writing the book, the very idea of it being read sent me into a panic. It still does today, but I am lucky to have found generous and insightful readers in Peter Niesen, Carlos Pérez Crespo, Markus Patberg and Esther Neuhann. Their comments raise both general methodological points and specific historical questions about the chapters. I will try to answer them in turn: I will first engage with the methodological critiques and I will then move to interpretative questions about the story I tell in the book, its protagonists and their historical contexts.
The main aim of the book is, as I see it, to explain how the idea of constituent power has been used to make sense of the democratic principle according to which power belongs to the people. [...]
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Esther Neuhann
In her book Constituent Power: A History (2020), Lucia Rubinelli aims to provide a history of the “language” or, more precisely, the “words ‘constituent power’” (14). She narrates this impressive history along five historical key moments, from Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès to Hannah Arendt.
In the following, I will, first, comment on the methodology Rubinelli adopts throughout the book and, second, focus on the fifth historical moment “Arendt and the French Revolution” (Chapter 5). In this chapter, Rubinelli reconstructs Arendt’s critique of “sovereignty as a theoretical category and as a principle of political organization” (177) and her suggestion to replace it with ‘constituent power’. It is an original contribution of the book to show that Arendt’s argument is in line with the sense in which Sieyès originally put forward ‘constituent power’ – although Arendt herself framed it as a critique of Sieyès which, according to Rubinelli, is rooted in her inaccurate reading of Sieyès through Carl Schmitt.
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Markus Patberg
In these brief remarks, I reflect on Rubinelli’s interpretation and critique of what is going on in contemporary theoretical debates about constituent power. What I want to argue is that while her reconstruction of classical positions is highly illuminating and takes our understanding of constituent power’s complex history to a new level, we risk underestimating the ideas in play if we regard them, as Rubinelli suggests we should, as “contingent” (p. 29) and therefore equally valid.
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Carlos Perez Crespo
In this comment, I engage with Chapter 3 of Lucia Rubinelli's book, which is an essential contribution to the study of constituent power in the Weimar Republic and the reception of this idea in the work of the controversial jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). My thoughts are organized into two sections. In the first, I summarize Rubinelli's reading of Schmitt’s understanding of constituent power in Weimar. My main criticism concerns Rubinelli’s reading of the arbitrary character of constituent power in Schmitt, which in my view insufficiently reflects Schmitt's distinction between dictatorship and despotism. In the second part, I turn to the historical transition of constituent power that Rubinelli detects between the 19th-century French lawyers and the Weimar Republic. I point out that there is a missing link in Rubinelli's history of Schmitt's constituent power: the dialogue between the languages of German state theory (Staatslehre) and French public law (Droit Public) in the early 20th century.
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Peter Niesen
The research question of 'Constituent Power. A History' is framed in the book‘s introduction as a critical mission in intellectual history, as Rubinelli identifies a major confusion in recent works on the historiography of political thought. A small industry has sprung up in recent years to backdate the advent of constituent power to the middle ages and even to antiquity. Authors claim to have discovered an employment of the concept in texts dating back to before the term became historically available in Emmanuel Sieyès. Rubinelli is surely right to castigate the anachromisms involved, and referring to Aristotle, Marsilius or Machiavelli, Bodin, Spinoza or Hobbes as early adapters to a timeless concept of constituent power seems misguided, but perhaps for other than her stated methodological reason, that we need to attend to the usage of the term because there is no determinate and stable concept of constituent power.
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Peter Niesen
Lucia Rubinelli’s book Constituent Power. A History (Cambridge 2020) is a major contribution to democratic thought, in both method and substance. This Verfassungsblog symposium in the context of the Hamburg DFG-funded project „Reclaiming Constituent Power“ (319145390) arises from a shared interest in the subject matter of the book, the democratic reading of the fundamental lawmaking power of the people, as well as from a shared interest in the authors identified as relevant. The comments are devoted to the successive chapters of the book, on Emmanuel Sieyès (Peter Niesen on chap. 1), on French droit publique and Carl Schmitt (Carlos Perez on chap. 2-3), on the post-WW II lawyers such as Mortati and Böckenförde (Markus Patberg on chap. 4), and on Hannah Arendt (Esther Lea Neuhann on chap. 5).
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Reiben sich nur Wissenschaftler*innen (und seien es solche des Rechts) verwundert die Augen, wenn Strafverfolgungsbehörden Forschungsunterlagen beschlagnahmen? Es wäre wünschenswert, dass auch inzwischen in der Justiz tätige Akademiker*innen nicht vergäßen, welcher Stellenwert der Forschungsfreiheit gebührt (auch wenn ihr – hier: juristisches – Studium von der Forschung allzu weit entfernt angesiedelt gewesen sein mag).
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Wegen der Untätigkeit des Gesetzgebers ist die empirische Sozialforschung gewissermaßen dem unausgesprochenen Goodwill der Justizpraxis ausgeliefert, die die notwendige Sensibilität walten lassen mag – oder eben auch nicht, wie der berichtete Sachverhalt eindrucksvoll belegt. Das beschädigt nicht nur die Forschungsinteressen der individuell betroffenen Wissenschaftlerinnen, sondern es richtet auch weiteren Schaden an.
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Thomas Weigend
Empirische SozialforscherInnen brauchen Vertrauen – sowohl von den Institutionen, die ihre Tätigkeit finanziell unterstützen, als auch von den ProbandInnen, die ihnen Zugang zu persönlichen Informationen gewähren. Verfassungsrechtlich sind die Bedingungen, die akademisch eingebundene SozialwissenschaftlerInnen für ihre Arbeit benötigen, durch die Wissenschaftsfreiheit in Art 5 Abs. 3 GG abgesichert. Dennoch kann die notwendige Vertrauensbasis gefährdet werden, wenn sie sich beruflich mit Fragen beschäftigen, die für Strafverfolgungsbehörden von Interesse sein können, wie etwa Vorgänge im Justizvollzug oder Dispositionen ihrer Probanden zu terroristischen Straftaten. Solche Insider-Informationen können von großer Bedeutung für die Strafverfolgung sein. Ob entsprechende Unterlagen bei den ForscherInnen für Zwecke eines Strafverfahrens beschlagnahmt werden dürfen, ist zum Gegenstand heftiger Kontroversen geworden.
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Frank Meyer
Die Ausgestaltung der Zeugnisverweigerungsrechte in der StPO erweckt schon bei oberflächlicher Betrachtung einen inkohärenten Eindruck. Sie ist ein unsystematisches Sammelsurium von Partikularrationalitäten und steckt voller Unwuchten. Die Wissenschaftsfreiheit erfährt darin erstaunlicherweise keinen besonderen Schutz. Und noch erstaunlicher mag es scheinen, dass sich darüber bis dato weder größeres Unbehagen in der Wissenschaft geregt hat noch die verfassungsrechtlichen Leitkommentare den unzureichenden Schutz im Strafverfahren weiter problematisieren.
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Sabine Gless
Strafprozessrecht wird gerne als «Seismograph der Staatsverfassung» bezeichnet. Ein Beben lösten jüngst zwei Beschlüsse das OLG München aus (Beschl. v. 31.01.2020, OGs 19/20 und v. 28.07.2020, 8 St ObWs 5/20). Sie erklärten die Beschlagnahme von Videointerviews für rechtmäßig, in denen sich Häftlinge mit islamistischem Hintergrund zu ihrer eigenen Geschichte äußerten. Die Interviews waren von Sozialforschern im Rahmen eines von der DFG geförderten und von der Bayerischen Staatsregierung unterstützten Forschungsprojekts zur «Islamistischen Radikalisierung im Justizvollzug» geführt worden.
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Christian Walter, Philip Nedelcu
Ein Beschluss des Oberlandesgerichts München versetzt die empirische Kriminalitätsforschung derzeit in helle Aufregung. Worum geht es? Das OLG wies in dieser Entscheidung die Beschwerde eines Erlanger Professors für Psychologische Diagnostik zurück, mit der dieser sich gegen die Durchsuchung seiner Diensträume an der Universität und die Beschlagnahme des Transkripts eines Interviews gewandt hatte, das eine Mitarbeiterin seines Lehrstuhls im Rahmen eines Forschungsprojekts zur Radikalisierung im Justizvollzug mit einem Häftling geführt hatte.
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Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf, Julia Eckert, Gritt Klinkhammer, Michi Knecht, Mira Menzfeld, Werner Schiffauer, Martin Zillinger
Beamte des Bayerischen Landeskriminalamts durchsuchten am 31.1.2020 das Büro des Hochschullehrers Mark Stemmler, der im Rahmen eines Forschungsprojekts vertrauliche Gespräche mit inhaftierten Jihadis geführt hatte. Interviewaufzeichnungen und weitere identifizierende Informationen wurden trotz seines Protests beschlagnahmt. Der Fall illustriert beispielhaft, dass Forschende derzeit über keine rechtlichen Möglichkeiten verfügen, wissenschaftliche Daten wirksam vor behördlichen Zugriffen zu schützen. Die Interviewpartner*innen selbst, das ethische Selbstverständnis der Wissenschaftler*innen und die Datenschutzregeln von Forschungsförderungsinstitutionen (er)fordern aber systematische und verbindliche Schutzzusagen, um gesellschaftlich wichtiges Wissen gewinnen zu können. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge aus den Rechts- und Sozialwissenschaften debattieren Gründe und Hürden für ein Zeugnisverweigerungsrecht für Wissenschaftler*innen und formulieren juristische Lösungsansätze.
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Marta Cartabia, Daniel Halberstam, Anna ?ledzi?ska-Simon, Antoine Vauchez, Armin von Bogdandy
We are debating the specter of German Legal Hegemony. It’s a new dimension for most German lawyers. The prevailing view has been that Germany is at the receiving end and losing out. Many consider Germany as making a too small impact on European law because it’s too inflexible for its federalism and too inhibited for many reasons. Quite a few see the 2nd Senate of the BVerfG as the last institution defending law and reason against overbearing European institutions as Berlin politicians have largely given up. The symposium has provided a different picture. How to deepen learning from it? Today we propose a discussion which is both analytical and normative.
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Franziska Oehm
In den letzten Wochen hat sich die politische Debatte um die Vorlage eines Entwurfes für ein Lieferkettengesetz in Deutschland intensiviert. Derzeit wird auf Minister*innen-Ebene zwischen dem Bundesministerium für Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung, dem Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Soziales und dem Bundesministerium für Wirtschaft über den Gesetzesentwurf verhandelt, der im Nationalen Aktionsplan „Wirtschaft und Menschenrechte“ angelegt ist. Uneinigkeit besteht aktuell neben Fragen des Anwendungsbereichs vor allem noch über den Haftungstatbestand – soll Haftung für Menschenrechtsverletzungen entlang der Lieferkette Teil des Gesetzes werden, und wenn ja, wie sollen Haftungsnorm und korrespondierende Vorschriften ausgestaltet sein? Wissenschaftler*innen, Vertreter*innen der Zivilgesellschaft und Politik sowie weitere Interessierte haben der Debatte im Rahmen einer Fachtagung neue Impulse gegeben.
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Daniel Halberstam
Long before the fighting ceased, Jean Monnet was already planning to integrate a defeated Germany into “a Europe united on terms of equality.” The idea had been brewing in the French and Italian resistance during World War II, even since Germany had been defeated last time around, and before then, in other forms, too. The key to bringing the warring nations together in solidarity was, as the Schuman Declaration would explain, taming the age-old animosity between Germany and France in a supranational project “open to all countries willing to take part.” The aim, in the words of the Treaty of Rome would be an “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe.”
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Anna ?ledzi?ska-Simon
In this post, I argue that: (I) the influence of German jurisprudence on the legal systems in Central and Eastern Europe results from transfers of legal knowledge and “cooperative adaptation” of elites in the new democracies; (II) the German legal hegemony is in fact a hegemony of reason and a culture of justification; (III) the decision of Bundesverfassungsgericht in PSPP is an attempt to maintain the culture of justification in view of its inevitable end.
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I have to start with a confession: if it was not for the Bundesverfassungsgericht and German legal scholarship, I would have not become the lawyer I am today. Writing a PhD in the Max-Planck-Institute in Heidelberg, attending classes by giants of German public law taught me to appreciate the famous German “Rechtsdogmatik”, a term that can only be poorly translated by “legal doctrine”. The conceptual sophistication and clarity of thoughts, the persuasive power of reasoning, the attention for details and the elegance with which the lack of answers to certain questions is concealed created for me an aura of infallibility and self-evident truth. I also remember my condescending attitude when I met foreign guests in the Max-Planck Institute who were not familiar enough with this constitutional language, or even dared to challenge some of its conclusions. Being inside this world felt reassuring, safe and also elevating. After wandering through the legal education of post-communist Hungary I finally saw the light.
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Russell A. Miller
The novel’s two ugly Americans provide useful models for two facets of hegemony as Gramsci theorized it. Hegemony, he insisted, is more than a state of cultural domination. It is better understood as a process of socio-historical change that takes place before power is institutionalized. The two drivers of the hegemonic process Gramsci theorized are consensus and coercion.
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Miros?aw Wyrzykowski
The question about the legal hegemony of Germany was raised by comments from lawyers, but also politicians, in connection with the - undoubtedly - controversial decision of the German Constitutional Tribunal in the PSPP case. Armin von Bogdandy’s introduction refers primarily to the problem of the Europeanization of Germany vs. the Germanization of Europe in the context of European integration and Sabino Cassese’s description of “some specific decisions of these more recent EU-specific decisions of the Second Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court as an attempt to put a German dog leash on European institutions". But it also refers to the past of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the "imposition" of "an enlightened, soft neo-liberalism" on the countries of this region (Bogdan Iancu). In the case of Poland, because Kaczyński’s government seems to be a persecutor against the proceedings which the German jurisprudence provides, "the secret crypt in which the seeds of its spirit will be protected...". (Carl Schmitt).
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As I see it, the central question is whether Germany, just as it is an economic and a political power in the EU, is also a legal power. This would, of course, beg the question whether this notion makes sense by itself. Is it permitted to speak of legal power in the way it is preached for other forms of power? And supposing the notion applies to Germany as a Member State of the EU, may this national condition be aptly described as hegemonic? The ultimate question behind the questions just mentioned would be ‘How can this problem be tackled?’, assuming that it indeed turns out to be a problem.
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Before starting my reflections on the arguments presented in Professor von Bogdandy’s text, a number of caveats need to be made. First of all, as I will explain below, the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and Spanish democratic constitutional law have been deeply influenced by German constitutional law. This is a fact that is both well-known and unquestioned. It may also explain why, at present, there is no debate about the matter. For this reason, before I began to write this article, I felt it necessary to discuss with some legal colleagues how they saw the questions put forward, as I did not consider myself to be entitled to reply on behalf of the Spanish academia as a whole. Secondly, the article that we have been asked to reflect on mixes different questions. Some of them may be significant from a German standpoint, but, in contrast, are not salient topics from a Spanish one. Finally, and in relation to the point that has just been mentioned, I will attempt to provide a response in the case of those aspects that are susceptible of being considered from outside, in this case from Spain.
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Joseph H.H. Weiler
I have been politically aware for around, sigh, five decades. And with unerring regularity once every ten years or so, we have been treated to a kind of decennial Oktoberfest of German public hand-wringing. Very public – group therapy writ large. Sometimes it comes with the label of ‘Legitimacy Crisis’. Oftentimes it is a variation on the theme of ‘Are We Back to Weimer Times – and You Know What Followed That!’ It has all the hall marks of a ritual.
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Oreste Pollicino
It was already clear to Seneca, almost 2000 years ago, that “[i]f a man knows not to which port he sails, no wind is favourable”. Now, almost 2000 years later, as mentioned by Armin von Bogdandy in his inspiring introduction to this symposium, we are faced with a crucial question of existential significance: Are we moving towards a Europeanised Germany or a Germanised Europe? In order to answer to the question, we have to draw a distinction between intention and practical effect.
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German constitutional thinking has been central in EU law, in ECHR law, and even in some domestic constitutional systems outside of Germany. It is, however, gradually and unstoppably losing influence in Europe. This is largely due to the fact that Karlsruhe has lost its status as the most influential court in constitutional issues in Europe, with this title now belonging to the Strasbourg Court and likely to do so for the foreseeable future. This trend (i.e. the fading international influence of German constitutional thinking) cannot be reversed by German constitutional lawyers, as it is the result of major institutional and structural (“tectonic”) changes that have taken place over the last 20-25 years. German lawyers can, however, somewhat mitigate this trend by constructively participating in the formation of a common European Constitutional Language (in English).
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Koen Lenaerts
In my view, three direct implications flow from the principle of ‘equality of the Member States before the Treaties’. First, the uniform interpretation and application of EU law are key for guaranteeing that equality. Second, the uniform interpretation of EU law needs to be ensured by one court and one court only, i.e. the Court of Justice. Third and last, the principle of primacy underpins the uniform interpretation and application of EU law. That law – as interpreted by the Court of Justice – is ‘the supreme law of the land’ as primacy (Anwendungsvorrang) guarantees that normative conflicts between EU law and national law are resolved in the same fashion. Primacy thus guarantees that both the Member States and their peoples are equal before the law.
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Helen Keller, Sebastian Bates
Our focus is a postwar development, namely the European Convention on Human Rights and its interpretation in the case-law of the Court. That case-law evinces the adoption of certain ‘imports’ from the doctrine developed and applied by German domestic courts that, as Judge Wildhaber implied, the concept of German legal thinking must encompass if it has any meaning at all. Without them, the ‘legal world’ inhabited by specialists in the Convention would be entirely different. They accordingly demonstrate the salience of such thinking to the Convention system. But for reasons that we will briefly explore, they do not demonstrate that this thinking is uniquely dominant in the deliberation rooms of the Human Rights Building.
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Daniel Sarmiento
The influence of the German legal tradition in the European legal community is unquestionable. No other European country has displayed, like Germany has, such an articulate and institutionalized effort of promotion of its own legal system and thinking. The project paid off. EU Law displays an obvious German imprint that is now enforced in twenty-seven Member States. Lawyers throughout the European continent learn German to read the high-quality legal literature produced in German universities and research centers, courts and public institutions. The ultimate sign of intellectual distinction of a European lawyer is to “read the Germans”. No other feature can surpass in pedigree a lawyer’s fluency and ability to dominate German concepts in their very own words.
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I write this blog post just as I complete my fourth year as a professor of international law in Berlin. I am, as von Bogdandy calls, a Bildungsausländerin. My university education was first in Turkey and then in the United Kingdom. My academic career has been, for the most part, in the UK and then in Turkey. When I moved to Berlin from Istanbul four years ago to take up the professorship of international law at the Hertie School, I imagined Berlin to be somewhere between Istanbul and London. I hoped that it would be the best of both worlds, I would find a home in a city with a handsome Turkish speaking community at a university that conducts education and research in English. I also hoped that speaking Berlin’s two oft-spoken languages, Turkish and English, I would survive with my basic German, and learn more of it along the way and become a late Berliner.
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Antoine Vauchez
The specter of national hegemony has haunted the field of European law ever since in its emergence in the 1950s in the wake of creation of the European Communities. As the circulation and competition between national and professional models of law have always been central to its dynamics, this transnational field has developed as a reflexive field questioning its own “European-ness” -that is its capacity to produce authentically “European” norms that are not just a mask for new forms of domination, influence or hegemony.
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Bogdan Iancu
For over a decade now, the mainstream liberal discourse, also on the Verfassungsblog, has consisted in the incantation of one mantra: ‘populists’ are destroying ‘the rule of law’. What started as an attempt to describe the post-2011 situation in Hungary has gradually become a conceptual master key or, better yet, a jack-of-all-trades.
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Sabino Cassese
Armin von Bogdandy’s article entitled “German Legal Hegemony?” is an invitation to reflect on the paths of European legal scholarship: what are the conditions of the different national legal cultures today, and what are the conditions under which a national legal culture can become hegemonic (or, on the contrary, is it possible for a common tradition to prevail)?
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Armin von Bogdandy
The German legal discourse on Europe solemnly professes the idea of a Europeanized Germany: Kooperation, Verfassungsgerichtsverbund, Europafreundlichkeit, Integrationsverantwortung. However, some cast doubt on these assertions.
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Voluntary, safe and dignified return is one of the durable solutions to forced displacement and, thus, hosting states have the responsibility to provide international protection to refugees until the conditions for voluntary repatriation are met. Premature or forced return that is falling short of international standards would mean a violation of the principle of non-refoulement. Current global governance of forced displacement impeding seeking asylum, delaying resettlement, and facilitating return ends up violating the very founding principles of the international refugee regime while exposing refugees and asylum-seekers to violence and higher risks.
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Emanuela Roman
Cooperation on migration management has been recently characterised by a process of “informalisation”, most prominently in relation to readmission, which saw the proliferation of informal agreements of a dubious legal nature – particularly from a rule of law perspective. This expansion has been two-fold. First, the use of informal agreements has expanded from the national level to the EU level. Second, the informalisation of cooperation with third countries has extended to include not only migration and border management, but also asylum management. This post aims to analyse both expansive shifts, highlighting their impact on international responsibility sharing mechanisms and the protection of asylum seekers’ fundamental rights.
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An empirical study of all asylum-related preliminary rulings reveals a disquieting trend: the Court has adopted an administrative, passivist role within the area. Its distinguishing features include an overzealous concern for the technicalities of the legislative instruments before it and sparse to no references to human rights instruments or values in the operative parts of the judgments. In light of the symbolic power carried by the Court’s language, this trend risks sending the wrong signal to national judicial instances; namely, that concerns for the system can legitimately trump concerns for the individuals caught in it.
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Ay?e Dicle Ergin
Reports have documented allegations about those in need of international protection being physically prevented from entering into Greece, being subjected to severe forms of mistreatment and deprivation of their liberty, property as well as being collectively expelled from the country without having the opportunity to apply for asylum. Thus, it could be argued there are violations of the right to seek and enjoy asylum, right to life, prohibition of torture, right to liberty and security and right to an effective remedy. Yet this blog will only focus on the most relevant rights/issues.
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Narin Idriz
In practice, Member States and the EU increasingly rely on informal instruments for cooperation with third countries, especially in the area of migration control, with important implications for the rule of law. The choice for informality becomes particularly problematic when it affects the legal situation of irregular migrants, including refugees because it makes it very difficult for them to challenge these instruments in front of EU courts. This blog post explores the effects of EU’s recourse to informality on the judicial protection of the rights of irregular migrants by using the EU-Turkey Statement as an example. The Statement, also known as the EU-Turkey ‘deal’, raises serious doubts as to whether the EU legal order indeed provides for the promised ‘complete’ system of legal remedies.
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Andrea Ott
The examples in this post demonstrate that the EU is an autonomous international actor independent from its Member States, but it is tied up internally by its institutional procedures and restrained by its attributed powers. This governance system requires complex and time-consuming negotiations within the Union and with its international partners, which might end up in Court (Singapore, CETA Opinions) or delay ratification (Istanbul Convention). The EU’s painful practice concerning treaty-making (with complicated rules, extensive case law and long negotiations of often comprehensive mixed agreements) is clearly not fit for purpose in times of crisis.
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Caterina Molinari
The questions raised by the use of soft deals - and soft law more generally - in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (‘AFSJ’) are numerous and complex. This post focusses on the justification behind the use of soft deals in the field of readmission, in order to develop two reflections: First, in a legal system founded on the rule of law, recourse to soft deals to elude constitutional constraints is questionable tout court. And secondly, if certain constitutional constraints can arguably be side-lined through the use of soft deals, in the name of flexibility and speed, others must necessarily remain operative and frame the conduct of EU institutions. In the author’s view, at least those Treaty principles that govern EU institutional action independently on the legally binding nature of its outcome remain relevant. Among these, a prominent role in framing the use of soft deals can be attributed to the principle of institutional balance, enshrined in Art. 13(2) TEU.
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Narin Idriz, Eva Kassoti
This online symposium is being held just before the ACES-Asser conference on ‘Migration deals and their damaging effects’, which will take place online on 8-9 October. The conference and the contributions in this symposium aim to examine the legal and policy implications of the increased informalisation of the EU’s external action in the field of migration and asylum. The use of informal instruments in EU external relations is nothing new. At the same time, the increasing recourse to such instruments in the past few years has been a growing cause of concern over their potential detrimental effects on the rights of migrants and refugees, the EU’s institutional balance, the rule of law, as well as the global regime for protection of refugees.
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On 23 July 2020, the Italian government formally warned Apulia that if the region did not introduce gender parity election rules by 28 July 2020, it would do so in its place. Apulia failed to adopt a regional statute in that time frame. Thus, on 31 July 2020, the Italian government adopted Decree Law 86/2020 which essentially introduced a mechanism of “double gender preference” for the regional Parliament elections to be held on 20-21 September 2020. What is clear is that this summer’s events around the Apulia election are yet another example of the “irresistible rise of gender quotas in Europe”, where Germany increasingly stands out as the proverbial exception.
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Louise K. Davidson-Schmich
Recently, the Thüringian State Constitutional Court struck down a new law requiring parity with regard to party lists for state elections in response to a challenge brought by the populist far-right Alternative for Deutschland. Many of the AfD’s and the male-dominated court’s arguments against the law are common worldwide in debates about quotas. In an increasing number of democracies around the globe, however, quotas have not only survived constitutional challenges but have come to be seen as an essential mechanism for achieving political equality. Empirical research has determined many common concerns about quotas are unfounded. Here I provide some responses to the AfD’s and the Court’s worries about the law, drawn from the extensive political science literature on gender quotas.
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Electoral quotas for women (‘EQW’) have become a world trend, raising questions about their constitutionality in different legal systems. This short piece attempts to summarize some of the main issues involved in this debate and the courts’ approach to it. The text concludes by offering some general criteria to assess the constitutionality of EQW.
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Micaela Alterio
I would like to participate in the debate on gender parity in Parliaments with the experience of Mexico. Mexico for the first time in its history has 48,2% of women in the Deputies Chamber and 49,2% in the Senate. The parity achieved in the Mexican Congress was the result of successive legislative and constitutional reforms which were supported by the Supreme Court of Justice.
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Sebastian Hapka
Das Urteil des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofs vom 15. Juli 2020 zum sogenannten Paritätsgesetz sorgt derzeit für viel Kritik. Auch wenn diese oft eher politischer als rechtlicher Natur ist, zeigen nicht zuletzt die zwei Sondervoten der Richterin Licht und des Richters Petermann sowie der Richterin Heßelmann, dass es sich auch in juristischer Hinsicht um ein besonders streitbares Urteil handelt. Beide Sondervoten monieren unter anderem das Fehlen einer Güterabwägung. Es stellt sich damit die Frage inwieweit das Urteil in dogmatischer Hinsicht überzeugen kann
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Julie Suk
Last week’s decision by the Thuringia state constitutional court to invalidate parity legislation destabilizes a widespread understanding of the German constitutional law of sex equality as seen from outside. Because Article 3.2 of the German Basic Law (GG) since 1994 has explicitly stated that “the state shall promote the actual implementation of equal rights for women and men, and eradicating disadvantages that now exist,” it was long assumed by jurists and scholars throughout the world that gender parity measures to overcome women’s disadvantage or underrepresentation in positions of power were permitted, if not encouraged, by German constitutional law. By invalidating the parity legislation, the Thuringia constitutional court calls this understanding into question.
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Laura Volk
Am Mittwoch der vergangenen Woche, dem 15. Juli 2020 erklärte der Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshof das Paritätsgesetz für verfassungswidrig. In der medialen Berichterstattung wurde das Urteil teils als „enttäuschend“ bezeichnet, an anderer Stelle als „wenig überraschend“ eingeordnet. Auch wenn man sich in politischer Hinsicht mit der Antragstellerin des Verfahrens der abstrakten Normenkontrolle in keinerlei Hinsicht identifiziert, so ist das Urteil des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofes dem Grunde nach zu begrüßen.
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Laura Volk
Am Mittwoch der vergangenen Woche, dem 15. Juli 2020 erklärte der Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshof das Paritätsgesetz für verfassungswidrig. In der medialen Berichterstattung wurde das Urteil teils als „enttäuschend“ bezeichnet, an anderer Stelle als „wenig überraschend“ eingeordnet. Auch wenn man sich in politischer Hinsicht mit der Antragstellerin des Verfahrens der abstrakten Normenkontrolle in keinerlei Hinsicht identifiziert, so ist das Urteil des Thüringer Verfassungsgerichtshofes dem Grunde nach zu begrüßen.
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Michaela Hailbronner,
In diesem Beitrag nehmen wir die deutschen Entwicklungen und Debatten vor dem Hintergrund der europäischen in den Blick. Dabei geht es primär um eine Frage gesetzgeberischer Ermessenspielräume. Die sind insbesondere dort weit, wo, wie hier, der Wortlaut der jeweiligen Verfassungen selbst keine klaren Aussagen enthält, wissenschaftlicher Dissens besteht und internationale und europäische Entwicklungen Quotenregelungen im politischen Bereichen ganz überwiegend für vertretbar und teilweise sogar zur Steigerung demokratischer Legitimität für angezeigt halten.
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Lea Rabe
Die Zukunft von Parité ist, auch wenn das Thüringer Gesetz nun erst einmal gekippt ist, unentschieden. Das gilt umso mehr im Bund. Der Weg zum Bundesverfassungsgericht gegen die Entscheidung aus Weimar steht grundsätzlich offen.
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Mathias Hong
Das Thüringer Urteil stützt sich maßgeblich auf die Entstehungsgeschichte des Gleichstellungsgebotes in der Thüringer Verfassung: Weil im Entstehungsprozess konkretere Vorschläge zur Zulässigkeit von Paritätsregelungen erfolglos geblieben seien, „zwing[e]“ die Entstehungsgeschichte zu der Folgerung, dass die verfassungsgebende Gewalt mit dem Gleichstellungsgebot „nicht die Möglichkeit“ habe eröffnen wollen, „paritätische Quotierungen einzuführen“. Diese Art der entstehungsgeschichtlichen Argumentation leidet jedoch an einem grundlegenden Mangel: Sie verkennt den zentralen Unterschied zwischen allgemeineren und konkreteren Anwendungsvorstellungen eines Gesetzgebers.
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Michaela Hailbronner,
In this contribution we examine the German developments in light of broader European debates. Though we believe that the German Basic Law can support stronger arguments for parity laws in representative political institutions, we do not need to make such stronger arguments here to defend the constitutionality of parity laws. For what is at stake is ultimately a question of legislative discretion: whether German legislatures are allowed to pass parity laws as a matter of state and federal constitutional law. Such legislative discretion is particularly appropriate where the constitutional text itself provides no clear standards, academic commentators disagree and where – as in this case – there exists a significant European trend towards adopting gender quotas with regional and international institutions repeatedly encouraging the adoption of such laws.
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Christine Hohmann-Dennhardt
Die Diskussion um Parité-Gesetze, die zum Ziel haben, Frauen gleichermaßen wie Männer in den Parlamenten Platz nehmen zu lassen, zeigt wieder einmal, wie schier unerschöpflich doch das Reservoir von Gründen ist, mit denen man davon überzeugen will, dass Frauen eben doch nicht beanspruchen können, überall mit den Männern gleich zu ziehen.
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Michaela Hailbronner,
In an ideal world, there would be no laws mandating equal representation of men and women. Candidates for political offices would be selected according to their ability and political programs, representative bodies would roughly represent the composition of society, and the gender of the candidates would hardly be worth mentioning. In the political reality in Germany and elsewhere things are different.
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David Krebs
David Krebs schlägt in diesem Beitrag das Konzept eines „Globalisierungsfolgenrechts“ vor, um der Auseinandersetzung mit Globalisierungsfolgen in der rechtspolitischen und -wissenschaftlichen Debatte einen begrifflich-konzeptionellen Rahmen zu geben. Der Beitrag zeigt eine deskriptive sowie eine normative Funktion des Konzeptes auf. Er schlägt zudem vor, zwischen „geborenem“ und „gekorenem“ Globalisierungsfolgenrecht zu unterscheiden. Schließlich skizziert er anhand von Beispielen ein Mehrebenensystem des Globalisierungsfolgenrechts und erläutert, wie sich ein deutsches Lieferkettengesetzes in dieses einfügen würde.
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Christian Scheper
Ein Lieferkettengesetz zum Schutz der Menschenrechte und der Umwelt muss die deutsche Außenwirtschaftsförderung erfassen und damit die Förderungskriterien für Unternehmen im Ausland gesetzlich regeln. Die Notwendigkeit ist mehrfach begründet:
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Cannelle Lavite
The French Loi de Vigilance is the result of a remarkable mobilization of trade unions, civil society and parliamentarians. It combines hard law with (international) soft law standards on business and human rights and introduces an unprecedented corporate duty of vigilance in French tort law.
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In den letzten Jahren haben zunehmend die Heimatstaaten transnationaler Unternehmen gesetzliche Regelungen für globale Lieferketten erlassen. Diese Gesetze sollen das weltweite Handeln transnationaler Unternehmen dahingehend beeinflussen, dass diese Unternehmen mehr Verantwortung für ihre globale Lieferkette übernehmen und sie sich stärker für die Einhaltung von Arbeitsstandards, Menschenrechten und Umweltschutz einsetzen. Dieser Ansatz basiert maßgeblich auf der Idee der Komplementarität von staatlichen Regelungen (public governance) und privater Regulierung (private governance).
Die bisherigen nationalen Lieferkettengesetze unterscheiden sich jedoch hinsichtlich der von ihnen geregelten Themen (z.B. Kinderarbeit oder Korruption) sowie des Regelungsinstruments (z.B. Berichterstattungspflicht oder Unternehmensstrafbarkeit). Man kann diese Gesetze nach ihrer Regelungsstärke in ein Regelungskontinuum einteilen, das im folgenden kurz diskutiert wird.
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Lena Walker
Die von der Initiative Lieferkettengesetz geforderte Regelung soll neben den menschenrechtlichen Verpflichtungen auch sogenannte umweltbezogenen Sorgfaltspflichten für Unternehmen beinhalten. Auch der dahingehende Entwurf der Bundesbundesregierung, der 2019 bekannt wurde, sieht solche umweltbezogenen Sorgfaltspflichten vor. Dadurch soll erreicht werden, dass deutsche Unternehmen die Einhaltung von Umweltstandards in der Lieferkette, insbesondere im Herkunftsland von importierter Ware, überwachen. Solche gesetzlich geregelten und verpflichtenden, umweltbezogenen Sorgfaltspflichten stellen ein neuartiges umweltrechtliches Instrument, für das es erst wenige Beispiele gibt. Neben der nationalen Regelung in Frankreich stellt die europäische Holzhandelsverordnung – nach ihrer englischen Bezeichnung (European Timber Regulation) im Fachjargon oft als EUTR bezeichnet – ein Beispiel dar. Die nun mehrjährige Erfahrung mit der 2013 in Kraft getretenen Holzhandelsverordnung und ihrer Um- und Durchsetzung durch die europäischen Mitgliedsstaaten lohnt deswegen einen besonderen Blick.
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Sarah Hoesch
Die Initiative Lieferkettengesetz strebt eine gesetzlich verankerte und sowohl menschenrechts- als auch umweltbezogene Sorgfaltspflicht für Unternehmen in Anlehnung an die UN-Leitprinzipien für Wirtschaft und Menschenrechte an. Auf Verfahrensebene soll eine die gesamte Wertschöpfungskette erfassende Risikoanalyse durchgeführt und unter anderem die Ergreifung angemessener Maßnahmen zur Beendigung, Abmilderung und Wiedergutmachung von Menschenrechts- und Umweltbeeinträchtigungen vorgesehen werden. Im Folgenden werden die Notwendigkeit einer eigenständigen umweltbezogenen Sorgfaltspflicht und denkbare Möglichkeiten ihrer rechtssicheren Gestaltung dargelegt.
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, Timeela Manandhar
Krieg ist nicht nur ein schmutziges Geschäft, sondern auch ein lukratives. Ein berühmt-berüchtigtes Beispiel dafür sind die sog. „Blood Diamonds“ (Blutdiamanten, vgl. die Kimberley Resolution), die in Konfliktgebieten in verschiedenen afrikanischen Ländern illegal geschürft und von transnationalen Unternehmen gekauft werden. Der so erwirtschaftete Erlös wird in großen Teilen zur Finanzierung bewaffneter Gruppen genutzt, was die bestehende Konflikte in der Region verschärft. Ein anderes aktuelles Beispiel, das die Verstrickung von Unternehmen in Kriegspraktiken aufzeigt, sind die strafrechtlichen Untersuchungen gegen das französische Unternehmen Lafarge für seine Aktivitäten während des syrischen Bürgerkriegs. Lafarge wird u.a. Finanzierung von Terrorismus und Beteiligung an Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit vorgeworfen, nachdem es für den Weiterbetrieb seiner Werke finanzielle Absprachen mit verschiedenen bewaffneten Gruppen eingegangen, Rohmaterialien von ihnen erworben und insgesamt 13 Millionen Euro an den Islamischen Staat gezahlt haben soll.
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Isabell Hensel, Judith Hoellmann
Die Studien legen schonungslos offen, dass nationale Arbeitsrechte verletzt werden, nicht wirksam bzw. nicht ausreichend vorhanden sind oder, wie etwa in der Ukraine, systematisch abgebaut werden. Insbesondere Frauen sind rechtswidrigen Arbeitszeit-, Überstunden- und Urlaubsregelungen, Kündigungen sowie dem Missbrauch von Teilzeitverträgen, Verletzungen des Mutterschutzes, ungesetzlichen Lohnzahlungen und Repressionen gegen Gewerkschaftsmitglieder ausgesetzt.
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Matthieu Binder
Die Bemühungen von Zivilgesellschaft und Politik um ein deutsches Lieferkettengesetz rücken Unternehmen mit weltumspannenden Produktionsketten ins Zentrum der Debatte um den Schutz von Umwelt und Menschenrechten. Im Fokus der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung steht deshalb nicht zufällig die Forderung nach einem produzierende Unternehmen und international aufgestellte Retailer verpflichtenden Gebot, im Rahmen der eigenen Wertschöpfungskette Umwelt und Menschenrechte durch umfassende Risikoanalysen und hierauf abgestimmte Maßnahmen effektiv zu schützen. Diese Perspektive ist verständlich, verengt den Diskurs jedoch, und räumt insbesondere Auditierungs- und Zertifizierungsunternehmen nicht den Platz ein, welcher der Branche aufgrund ihrer faktischen Bedeutung für das Funktionieren einer globalisierten Wirtschaft und den effektiven Schutz von Umwelt und Menschenrechten zukommen sollte.
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Nicolas Bueno
Über die Volksinitiative ‘Für verantwortungsvolle Unternehmen – zum Schutz von Mensch und Umwelt’, den indirekten Gegenvorschlag des Nationalrats und den weiteren schwächeren Gegenvorschlag ohne Haftung des Ständerats ohne Haftungsnorm debattiert das Parlament schon über zwei Jahren. Doch am Dienstag entschied sich das Parlament für den schwachen Gegenvorschlag ohne Haftung für Unternehmen. Damit wird die Konzerninitiative nicht zurückgezogen. Wahrscheinlich im November aber spätestens im Februar 2021 werden Schweizer Bürger*innen für oder gegen den Text der Volksinitiative stimmen müssen.
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Anton Zimmermann
In der heutigen Zeit dürfte unzweifelhaft sein, dass menschenrechtlichen Schutzgütern mancherorts auch und zum Teil gerade von privater Seite Gefahr droht. Die jüngere Vergangenheit hat gezeigt, dass selbst Zulieferer und Tochtergesellschaften deutscher Muttergesellschaften im Ausland teilweise leider menschenunwürdige Arbeitsplätze bereitstellen oder in anderer Weise finanzielle Eigeninteressen in illegitimer Weise über die Grundbedürfnisse der örtlichen Bevölkerung stellen. Diese Entwicklung hat eine Debatte darüber ausgelöst, ob man das deutsche Deliktsrecht aktivieren kann, um Menschenrechte grenzüberschreitend gegenüber Privaten durchzusetzen. Dieser Beitrag soll zwei Hürden beleuchten, die dieses Vorhaben nehmen müsste: das Internationale Deliktsrecht und die Verteilung der Beweislast für die Verletzung menschenrechtsbezogener Sorgfaltspflichten.
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Markus Kaltenborn
Im Auftrag von zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen sind zwei Gutachten erstellt worden, die Vorschläge zur gesetzlichen Ausgestaltung einer menschenrechtlichen Sorgfaltspflicht enthalten – zum einen das bereits vor vier Jahren für Amnesty International, Brot für die Welt, Germanwatch und Oxfam verfasste Gutachten „Verankerung menschenrechtlicher Sorgfaltspflichten von Unternehmen im deutschen Recht“, zum anderen das in diesem Frühjahr von der Initiative Lieferkettengesetz vorgestellte „Rechtsgutachten zur Ausgestaltung eines Lieferkettengesetzes“. Die in den beiden Gutachten erarbeiteten Empfehlungen geben wertvolle Impulse für die nun bald intensiver zu führende Debatte zur Ausgestaltung eines Sorgfaltspflichtengesetzes bzw. einer entsprechenden europäischen Regelung.
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Alexander Schall
Die UN-Prinzipien für Wirtschaft und Menschenrecht („Ruggie-Prinzipien“) aus dem Jahr 2011 statuieren in ihrem Teil IV eine menschenrechtliche Verantwortlichkeit von Unternehmen („human rights due diligence“). Es fragt sich, ob und wie die Unternehmen für Verletzungen dieser Pflicht zivilrechtlich auf Schadensersatz haftbar gemacht werden können. Unter geltendem Recht ist eine solche Haftung nur sehr schwer zu begründen. Alexander Schall schlägt daher de lege ferenda ein Erfolgsdelikt der „Menschenrechtsverletzung“ in Anlehnung an § 823 I BGB vor („§ 823a BGB“). Alternativ könnte auch die „menschenrechtliche Sorgfaltspflicht“ der UN-Prinzipien direkt ausformuliert werden, zB als neuer Absatz 3 des § 91 AktG. Sie könnte als Schutznorm fungieren, bei deren Verletzung der daraus entstehende Schaden gemäß § 823 II BGB zu ersetzen ist.
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Markus Krajewski
Über das Für und Wider eines Lieferkettengesetzes und dessen mögliche Inhalte wird seit einiger Zeit in Politik und Wissenschaft diskutiert. Dass die Bundesrepublik Deutschland mit einem sollen Gesetz auch zur Verwirklichung der Leitprinzipien der Vereinten Nationen für Wirtschaft und Menschenrechte beitragen würde, ist unbestritten und im Nationalen Aktionsplan „Wirtschaft und Menschenrechte“ auch angelegt. Weniger klar und seltener diskutiert ist dagegen die Frage, ob Deutschland völkerrechtlich auch verpflichtet ist, ein derartiges Gesetz zu erlassen, um seiner menschenrechtlichen Pflichten zu genügen. Dieser Frage wird hier nachgegangen. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die territoriale Reichweite der Schutzdimension internationaler Menschenrechte.
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Franziska Humbert, Robert Grabosch
Das Völkerrecht sieht bisher keine Möglichkeit für Individuen vor, gerichtlich gegen Unternehmen aufgrund von Menschenrechtsverletzungen vorzugehen. Ein Lieferkettengesetz de lege ferenda könnte diese Lücke beim Rechtsschutz schließen. Die Möglichkeiten des Privatrechts sind bisher kaum ausgeschöpft. Der folgende Beispielsfall, der auf der Grundlage der Schilderung von Arbeitsrechtsverletzungen im Ananasanbau in Costa Rica in der Lieferkette deutscher Supermarktketten im Bericht „Süße Früchte, Bittere Wahrheit“ der Nichtregierungsorganisation Oxfam gebildet wurde, soll die zentralen kritischen Rechtsfragen deutlich machen.
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, Maren Leifker, Armin Paasch
Wenn aktuell über Lieferketten gesprochen wird, geht es vor allem darum, wie ihre Funktionsweise trotz Corona-Krise aufrechterhalten werden kann. Über die Auswirkungen der Krise am Anfang der Lieferketten wird kaum gesprochen. Dort arbeiten Menschen unter Bedingungen, die keine soziale Distanz zum Schutz der eigenen Gesundheit erlauben. Weil europäische Firmen massenhaft Aufträge stornieren, werden Arbeiter*innen auf die Straße gesetzt, ohne dagegen sozial abgesichert zu sein. Das Lieferkettengesetz, um das es in diesem Symposium geht, ist ein Baustein für eine fairere Globalisierung.
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Joelle Grogan
The fifty days of the ‘COVID-19 and States of emergency’ Symposium covered the height of the global legal reaction to the pandemic, offering a snapshot of countries in collective crisis. It began with a call for a global conversation on the kind of legal norms which should govern the situation of worldwide pandemic. This final contribution aims to trace the central themes, questions and issues raised by the Symposium.
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Eva Pils
The reality of China’s coronavirus experience raises distinctive legal-political concerns. The Party has used its vast and concentrated power to fight not only the virus, but also domestic critics of its response, including medical professionals, journalists, human rights activists, a constitutional law professor, and citizens simply speaking up via the social media because they were engaged, or enraged, or both. The fight against one of these ‘enemies’, inevitably, has affected that against the other.
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Diogo Esteves, Kim Economides
In addition to initiating a humanitarian crisis, the coronavirus outbreak is triggering multiple impacts (social, political, economic, environmental etc.) on the global stage, whose consequences – both negative and positive – were not only unforeseen, but remain unpredictable. We can be sure, however, that they will inevitably touch, one way or another, our justice and legal aid systems.
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Michael Meyer-Resende
By mid-March, all EU member states were in a state of emergency, whether they officially declared one or not. Across the EU many human rights were severely restricted, particularly the right to free movement. Not every state of emergency is the same, however. Some exceed what is foreseen in international human rights law.
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Kwaku Agyeman-Budu
Ghana has adopted several measures in tackling the COVID-19 global pandemic, chief among them being the enactment of new legislation to tackle the issue, and the exercise of powers under pre-existing legislation. A formal state of emergency has not been declared in the wake of the pandemic, leading to debates, for instance regarding the impact of the current situation on the 2020 elections.
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Paul Kalinichenko, Elizaveta Moskovkina
Since the first cases of COVID-19 were registered in Zabaikalsky kray and Tumenskaya oblast on 31 January 2020, the Russian government has reacted to the challenge of the epidemic by enacting new legislation and introducing some emergency measures. The pandemic is bringing new and unpleasant surprises, creating specific social, economic and legal hardships which is making the unstable life of Russian citizens even worse.
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, Mariela Morales Antoniazzi
Nicolás Maduro, who still holds the presidency, declared a state of alarm on March 13, 2020, invoking the need to counter the pandemic. However, the corresponding decree not only contradicts the constitutional provisions for states of exception but is also being employed to impose abusive limitations on human rights, to aggravate political repression and persecution, to blur the seriousness of certain socio-economic problems, and to contain social protests. The absence of judicial and parliamentary controls that could counteract these excesses of power has resulted in an autocratic shift within a context that was already authoritarian.
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The Slovak experience with the COVID-19 pandemic has been affected by the fact that the outbreak took place at the time of a change in government. The new government, because of its relative inexperience and populist tendencies, has committed mistakes, often amounting to an infringement of citizens' fundamental rights and freedoms, especially the freedom of movement.
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Cameroon has neither resorted to the exceptional measures that its constitution provides for, nor adopted a new law for the occasion, as many other countries have done. The state has instead relied on already existing provisions, applicable in ordinary times to combat the pandemic. This speaks volumes about the “ordinary” powers of the administrative authorities.
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Bianca Selejan-Gutan
In Romania, the sanitary crisis caused by the SARS-COV-2 pandemic started during an existing political crisis and overlapped, at a few crucial moments, with a constitutional crisis. The fact that 2020 is an electoral year had an important impact on the crisis management: on the one hand, the political conflicts increased, but, on the other hand, the fact that the power did not belong to the same political majority hindered potential abuses of one of the actors, especially of the President.
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In the Czech Republic, the COVID-19 crisis has brought not only a general state of chaos but also a considerable shift of powers to the executive branch. The first shift, impairing the legislative branch, was triggered by the declaration of a state of emergency on 12 March 2020. The second shift, diminishing also the role of the judiciary, was caused by a ruling in which the Constitutional showed its unwillingness to interfere with the government’s steps.
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Uladzislau Belavusau, Maksim Karliuk
In contrast to the ‘illiberal democracies’ of Hungary and Poland, Belarus in its response to COVID-19 appears to be playing the role of a perfectly ‘liberal’ state with almost a laissez-faire solution, where people’s choice is prioritized and rights are respected as no severe measures are introduced to close businesses or restrict free movement. This image is inevitably misleading, as democratic institutions in Belarus have been brought to heel long ago, and alternative information about the state of affairs in Belarus regarding the virus remains suppressed.
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Leonardo Cofre
Due to the pandemic, Chile's 2020 electoral calendar has been modified, delaying the most important political event of the year: the April referendum for a new constitution. While the postponement is reasonable considering the current sanitary situation, recent suggestions that there be a further postponement due to a possible post-pandemic economic crisis threaten the democratic legitimacy of the process. As argued in this post, these measures and opinions, when read together, put the government close to an authoritarian use of the constitution.
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Ahmed Ellaboudy
One could learn a very important lesson from the Egyptian experience as it relates to the state of emergency: A good constitutional text alone is not enough. Although new amendments to the Emergency Law included several public health measures that allow the state to contain the impact of the spread of COVID-19, the absence of a parliamentary and judicial review will remain a huge threat to fundamental rights and the basics of the democratic rule-making.
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Tanasije Marinkovi?
The Covid-19 epidemic outbreak in Serbia coincided with the beginning of the election campaign for both parliamentary and municipal elections. Soon, it became clear that what was at stake in the fight against Covid-19 was not so much saving the nation as securing the majority re-election of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party, headed by its populist leader and President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić.
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Lukman Abdulrauf
Like many other countries across the world, Nigeria has called upon emergency powers to deal with COVID-19 without, however, having declared a state of emergency. The use of emergency powers in Nigeria in the fight against COVID-19 is not only peculiar but problematic for a number of reasons.
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Rait Maruste
Due to the COVID-19 epidemic the Estonian Government (Vabariigi Valitsus), without consulting the parliament (Riigikogu), declared by Order Nr. 76 on 12 March 2020 a state of emergency (eriolukord), defining the epidemic as an “emergency situation”. This is the first time in our modern history where a state of emergency has been declared. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs subsequently informed the Council of Europe of the Estonian derogation under Article 15 of the European Convention of Human Rights.
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Ledi Bianku
Albania was hit the by Covid-19 pandemic, although it seems not as gravely as some of its neighbours. Starting from 10 March 2020 the Albanian Government adopted several measures aiming to limit the spread of the pandemic in the country. Most of those measures have been continuously reviewed, following the development of the pandemic.
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Ratna Rueban Balasubramaniam
Two simultaneous narratives are unfolding as Malaysia responds to Covid-19. The first is the specific character of the ongoing legal response. The second is salient backdrop to any evaluation of this legal response that Malaysia is in political turmoil.
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Tom Gerald Daly
Curating analysis of these developments since early April through the COVID-DEM project, and reading across the 62 published contributions to this outstanding symposium, there are clear commonalities across all democracies affected. Beyond these commonalities, the effect of the COVID-19 response on the democratic system has been – and will be – starkly uneven across democracies worldwide, due to the different democratic ‘starting point’ of each state as the pandemic hit.
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The COVID-19 outbreak constitutes an unprecedented challenge in the history of independent Lithuania, which in its 1992 Constitution embedded a broad list of human rights and freedoms. It seems that so far the emergency powers have been used proportionately and in a time-limited manner, albeit some concerns regarding human rights and the rule of law remain. While it is understandable that the pandemic required a quick response, more attention from the Lithuanian decision-makers on fundamental rights and the required balancing would have been welcome.
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Allan Maleche, Nerima Were, Tara Imalingat
Kenya's President is yet to declare a state of emergency and has opted to implement measures that ensure citizens can continue with their lives. Constitutionally, rights may only be limited by law and only to the extent that is reasonable and justifiable in an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom.
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Akiko Ejima
People have been perplexed by the slow and soft approach of the Japanese government in their attempt to bring COVID-19 under control. The first case of COVID-19 in Japan was confirmed on 16 January 2020. On 30 January, the Japanese government set up the COVID-19 Countermeasures Headquarters. It published emergency countermeasures against COVID-19 on 13 February and presented Basic Policies for Coronavirus Disease Control on 25 February. However, none of these measures have introduced drastic measures such as border controls and/or curfews.
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The confinements imposed by the Spanish Government in response to the pandemic are among the most intense in comparative terms since they contain a prohibition of going out into the street with only limited exceptions. Given their intensity, especially the strong limits imposed on the freedom of movement, the restrictions are rather suspensions than mere restrictions of fundamental rights and as such go beyond their legal basis of the state of alarm.
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Alice Donald, Philip Leach
It is mistaken to conceive of COVID-19 principally as a threat whose eradication necessarily requires rights to be sacrificed. Rather, human rights standards and principles offer a means of transparently balancing competing interests and priorities in the cauldron of COVID-19 decision-making – and rights-respecting measures which secure public confidence are likely to be more effective and sustainable over time than arbitrary or repressive ones.
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Giorgi Chitidze
On 21 March 2020, Georgia declared a nationwide State of Emergency for one month in an effort to halt the spread of COVID-19. The decree has recently been extended until May 22, 2020. To date, Georgia is among the countries with the least infected population and the mortality rate remains low (635 confirmed cases, 10 deaths, and 309 fully recovered as of May 10, 2020). Despite the relative success within the medical sphere, the rule of law, democracy and human rights are facing an epidemic of unseen scale.
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Trung Nguyen
In Viet Nam, Wthe ‘state of emergency’ clauses are virtually a repetition of measures the government may take when there is no emergency. This means that were the government to declare a state of emergency there would be no reserving policy space for the government to fall back to. Viet Nam should thus seize the opportunity to revise its legislation and clearly distinguish between emergency and non-emergency measure, both in terms of degree and scope.
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Nika Ba?i? Selanec
Analysing national responses to the coronavirus, the University of Oxford study found that Croatia was the most rigorous of all the examined countries considering the actual number of infections. Overall, the Croatian response to Covid-19 might not pose an autocratic threat to the rule of law as in certain European countries. This is far, however, from suggesting there have not been significant constitutional challenges, or that we should not require an enhanced constitutional oversight over apparently quite restrictive governmental action.
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When referring to the rule of law and constitutionalism we must be extremely cautious: Ecuador was founded in 1830 after the dissolution of Great Colombia, and in just 190 years has adopted 20 constitutions. The current Ecuadorian Constitution dates from 2008. This means that the nation does not possess a strong constitutional tradition nor a culture of promotion of the rule of law. On the contrary, Ecuador has a long history of institutional breakdowns and coup d'états which were caused by political and economic crisis. However, these were nothing compared with the situation all Ecuadorians are currently facing.
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Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Rawin Leelapatana
On 13 January, Thailand was the first country outside of China to confirm a COVID-19 case. Prayuth invoked the Emergency Decree on Public Administration in Emergency Situation on 26 March 2020. At present, new cases are down to a single-digit figure per day. However, the 2005 Emergency Decree may not be the appropriate tool, as it has misled the public’s understanding of the pandemic and allows the government to employ unnecessarily harsh measures, leading to over-criminalization and arguable abuses of power.
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Antoine Buyse, Roel de Lange
The Dutch authorities take a quasi-legal, quasi-rhetorical approach to shape their intelligent lockdown and try to tame the pandemic beast, with questionable constitutional practices as a result. While the reliance on medical and other expertise might be a welcome difference compared to some other countries, overreliance on experts in communication may hide real political and legal choices that have been made.
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Iain Cameron, Anna Jonsson-Cornell
The Swedish government’s ways of handling the Corona crisis have drawn a lot of international attention. Sweden has tried to limit the spread of the disease by means of recommendations, rather than quarantines and curfews. There is no provision in the Swedish constitution for the declaration of a state of emergency in peacetime, only in war or where there is an imminent danger of war. Instead, the Swedish approach is to have delegations to the government, and sub-delegations to administrative agencies in a variety of statutes.
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Ridwanul Hoque
It appears that Bangladesh’s legal responses to the COVID-19 crisis are inconsistent, ad hoc, and deficient in transparency and democratic practices. The unprecedented nature of the pandemic requiring exceptionally urgent actions, may be attributed to the sorry state of affairs. A thoughtful, more legitimate approach could nevertheless have been taken.
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Niall Coghlan
Does the pandemic require derogation from human rights treaties? This [...]
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Vincent A. De Gaetano
Notwithstanding some initial hesitation, the way in which the Maltese health authorities have so far handled the emergency has been well received by the general public. Measures were introduced gradually, with daily press conferences explaining the reason for each new measure or variation thereof, whilst providing statistics on the number of daily swabs, patients infected, patients recovered, and fatalities.
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Kristian Cedervall Lauta
While the Danish Government’s approach, up until this point, has been successful in limiting the spread of the pandemic and none of the government initiatives seem blatantly unconstitutional – something might be forgotten in the state of Denmark: that the resilience and cultural properties of the Danish society contributed to the success in handling COVID-19 rather than increasing executive power.
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Aleksejs Dimitrovs
The Government of Latvia adopted the decision on emergency situation due to COVID-19 on 12 March to apply until 14 April. For the time being, this period has been extended once to 12 May. This post considers the applicable legal framework, concrete limitations adopted by the Saeima (Parliament) and the Government are described, followed by an assessment from the point of view of European Union values.
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Roberto Gargarella
Argentina’s government has been adopting numerous and significant decisions in the face of the coronavirus (COVID-19) crisis. But: Almost all the relevant decisions adopted by the Executive Branch were decisions that belonged to the Legislative Branch: Congress is the only authority legally authorized to adopt them. In other words, the Executive Power is not authorized to do what it has been doing so far.
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Felix Uhlmann
Were we ready for the crisis? I do not mean whether Switzerland had enough hospital beds and ventilators, but whether its Federal Constitution was ready. Arguably, the former are vital, and as regards the latter, Switzerland is under no suspicion of losing its quality as a democracy and a Rechtsstaat. Still, the constitutional questions raised by the Corona crisis are troubling. The federal government is applying emergency powers unheard of since WW2, and which were previously unimaginable for most. Legal scholars are only starting to grapple the full implications of the crisis.
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, Andrea Manoli
Once the first case of COVID-19 was reported on 9 March 2020, the Republic of Cyprus introduced emergency measures to contain the spread of the virus, as per the powers granted under the Constitution in the event of emergency. Following scientific advice, the Cypriot Government responded quickly by limiting temporarily personal freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, disrupting once again the constitutional legal order.
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Edoardo Stoppioni
In times of neoliberalism, it is healthy hearing the Prime Minister Xavier Bettel of Luxembourg say that “the protection of health and life takes precedence over economic interests”. But this declaration came in the context of the recourse to extraordinary emergency powers, on the day before the Government declared the “state of crisis” to face the Coronavirus situation. In Luxembourg, this tool to regulate emergencies has progressively found its path into the Constitution while elsewhere in Europe philosophers or public law professors argued that a constitutional state of emergency entails the paradox of “constitutionalising the absence of constitution”. It is therefore important to reflect on the effects of the conjugation of these two discourses into the sanitary crisis and their effect on democracy and human rights protection.
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Due to its violent past of a 36 year-long internal armed conflict and the scourge of corruption, the COVID-19 pandemic presents to Guatemala great challenges that goes beyond ensuring healthcare to its population. The excessive use of imprisonment in the enforcement of sanitary measures, the protection of detained persons, ensuring the effective implementation of financial assistance programs, achieving accountability of public servants during the crisis, and the reactivation of the judiciary are some of the issues that demands a proper answer from the Guatemalan state. This post analyzes the “emergency state” implemented in Guatemala and presents some of the measures and effects related to the current crisis.
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Konrad Lachmayer
As the number of infected persons is declining and the overall situation gradually improving, it becomes clear that the measures have proved to be effective from a public health perspective. However, in light of the general retreat of the virus the upholding of many measures also becomes contestable now regarding their proportionality. With the improvement of the public health issues, the challenge for the rule of law has begun. Will the government be able to restrain itself and find a way back to constitutional normality?
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Bonolo Ramadi Dinokopila
Botswana, a country with a population slightly over two million, has recently joined countries that took stringent measures necessary to contain the spread of COVID-19. On the 31 March 2020 President Dr. Mokgweetsi E. K. Masisi declared a state of public emergency. This was the second time a state of public emergency was declared since Botswana attained independence in 1966.
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Roman Petrov, Bohdan Bernatskyi
All legal measures limiting human rights in response to COVID-19 adopted by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine are made pursuant with respective clauses of two specific legal acts: the Code of Civil Protection of Ukraine (art. 16) and Law “On the protection of the population from infectious diseases” (art. 3). The said legislation empowers the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine as a key body in the protection of the population against infectious diseases with a broad margin of appreciation. However, more importantly, is that the Ukrainian Constitution envisages a restriction on certain rights and freedoms if these restrictions are prescribed by law in the interests of protecting the health of the population. Ukrainian think tanks and NGOs express deep concern on unconstitutionality of limitations of human rights caused by the Government’s measures to fight COVID-19.
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, Samo Bardutzky
Since the Slovenian declaration of an epidemic on 12 March 2020, a number of measures have been proposed, adopted and rejected in order to stop the spreading of the disease. Importantly, a state of emergency has not been declared. Nevertheless, in the past 6 weeks, interpretations and amendments of the existing statutory framework have also caused concerns from the constitutional point of view.
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The COVID-19 pandemic and the restrictive measures adopted across Latin America have increased insecurity, suffering and hunger for millions across the region. Although restrictions on free transit, freedom of work, and freedom of assembly, among others, are legitimate – given that social distancing is the only weapon against this virus – we must be aware that millions of people in Latin America survive due to their work in the informal sector. It is unacceptable that for many, the only options during this pandemic are to be killed by hunger or by COVID-19. For this reason, following this emergency, the region must resume a debate about the relevance of a new social or welfare state, without corruption, that can provide basic public services including healthcare.
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Cassandra Emmons
As has been highlighted by other contributors to this Symposium, emergency decrees have already been used to achieve political ambitions beyond addressing COVID-19 in places like Hungary or Bulgaria. While states bear the responsibility of protecting their nations, modern day international human rights law is designed precisely to protect people from governments that abuse their powers. What limits does international human rights law impose on governments during emergencies? Can they be enforced? And how does COVID-19 fit in these conceptualizations?
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Sanaz Alasti
In its early stages, the COVID-19 crisis in Iran looked nothing like a crisis. The initial reactions to the outbreak were met by skepticism by both the public and many of Iranian officials – despite the World Health Organization warning of the potential for a catastrophe for weeks. Indeed, in late February Iran’s deputy health minister – Iraj Harirchi who denied accusations that the government was downgrading the coronavirus outbreak in the country – has reportedly tested positive for the sickness.
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Jakub Jaraczewski
The measures introduced to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Poland are among some of the most extensive and far-reaching, affecting many spheres of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Few of these measures amount to recommendations and suggestions of specific behaviour, most of them are hard, legally enforceable orders and prohibitions and flouting them incurs the risk of severe financial punishment. Yet the legal framework for these measures causes a significant degree of controversy. This report aims to present a birds eye’s view on the measures in Poland and to highlight some issues legal scholars and experts have taken with both the substantive side of the measures and the means they were introduced.
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In the past weeks, the European judges have been confronted in multiple ways by the Covid19 crisis. The challenges for judiciary were exceptional: the willingness to serve our fellow citizens, providing solidarity and support, in times of plague; the duty to supervise, as broadly as permitted by political authorities, the lawfulness of emergency measures; the emergent call to deal with the negative consequences of judicial lockdowns for the efficiency of courts and, moreover, the anxiety arising from the need to look after one’s own health and that of others, in particular witnesses, litigants or other citizens present in court.
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Chien-Liang Lee
On December 31, 2019, the Taiwan Centers for Disease Control (CDC) sent the above message via email to the International Health Regulations (IHR) focal point under the World Health Organization (WHO). In the meantime, Taiwan also initiated COVID-19 epidemic prevention measures. This article endeavors to explain Taiwan’s emergency command and response system, to summarize Taiwan’s current regulatory actions against the epidemic outbreak, and to provide a few remarks on the emergency measures undertaken from the perspective of constitutionalism.
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Ashwanee Budoo
In the evening of 18 March 2020, Mauritians learnt the harsh news that their tropical heaven island of about 1.2 million people was also being swept by the coronavirus (COVID 19) tsunami, with three confirmed cases. As of 21 April 2020, the country has recorded a total of 328 cases, with 73 of them still being active and 9 deaths. Initially recording high increases in the confirmed number of COVID 19 cases, the country has been able to flatten its curve, without even a single case being recorded on some days. Depending on the trend of the spread, the government is working on a COVID 19 Bill that will gradually re-open the economy as from 4 May 2020.
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Michael Henry Yusingco
The Philippines is remarkably familiar with national emergencies, having faced just in the past three decades alone two global financial catastrophes, a number of coup attempts, a couple of destructive volcanic eruptions, a slew of ravaging typhoons, deadly terrorist attacks, and a devastating earthquake. Notably, the national response at these moments of crisis is to give the President “emergency powers”. Of course, this also comes with the admonition that citizens must fall in line and obey the commands of the government, which usually means temporarily “adjusting” adherence to human rights and respect for civil liberties.
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Sarah Ganty
The COVID-19 health crisis is happening in the context of a political crisis in Belgium. As the virus was spreading in the EU in early March, political parties were still negotiating the formation of a federal government. The need to provide a unified and strong answer to the situation added another layer to the political crisis and seems to have put the main political disagreements on the backburner. Even though, many institutional and constitutional challenges have been solved without considerably affecting basic democratic principles. This is not true when it comes to fundamental rights, especially fundamental rights of vulnerable groups such as migrants and prisoners, female victims of violence etc.
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While Iceland is not under a lockdown, the borders have been closed and wide-ranging measures implemented concerning a ban on gathering, social distancing, closing down or restricting the operation of schools, hair salons, organized sports and so on. When this is written, the current version of the ban on gathering is destined to last until 4th of May but some measures will be in place throughout the summer and maybe even longer. Now, gatherings of more than 20 people are forbidden, including in workplaces, cafés, restaurants and shops but special rules apply to grocery shops and pharmacies. The so-called two metre rule applies in these places. Other places have been shut down completely, such as gyms, swimming pools and pubs. The economic situation is also dire. Businesses are struggling and unemployment is on the rise. The last big depression is still fresh in memory. In what follows, I will focus on measures concerning the health crisis.
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, Frederik Orlowski
SARS-CoV-2 has hit Germany hard with (as of Easter 2020) more than 120,000 confirmed cases. The entire development of the pandemic has been accompanied by a critical debate about whether the Federal Government and the Länder (states) took the appropriate measures to fight the virus. The first objective of this post is to show which legal measures are available to the Federal Government and the Länder and to briefly report which of those have been applied to. It discusses whether extraordinary times are the right moment for constitutional amendments and why a critical reflection of the current legislative changes is not only necessary but essential for the understanding of our constitution.
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Alberto Alemanno
Due to their inherent cross-border spillovers, many of the national responses to COVID-19 raise major concerns under EU law. Yet only a few of them have been timidly denounced by the EU Commission as the Guardian of the Treaty. How long will this last?
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Jaclyn L. Neo, Darius Lee
Up till late March 2020, Singapore’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic was the envy of many nations. Its strategy of early testing, rapid contact tracing, and isolating cases and close contacts was praised for its effectiveness. Indeed, for some time, Singapore seemed to be successfully ‘flattening the curve’. And to top it off, the Singapore government managed to contain the spread of the disease while keeping workplaces, businesses, and schools open. This all, however, changed when a sudden spike in cases occurred in the latter half of March.
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Joelle Grogan
The UK initially downplayed concerns arising from the spread of COVID-19: Prime Minister Boris Johnson suggesting Britain should ‘take it on the chin’, pursued a policy which introduced no significant measures beyond encouraging hand-washing for 20 seconds. This changed, abruptly, on 12 March. On the same day schools and businesses were shut in Ireland and France, and three days after Italy was locked down, Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced a move to the delay phase and advised, though did not direct, over-70s to stay home, and travellers to avoid cruises. People should ‘avoid pubs and restaurants’, but they would not be closed. Large gatherings, such as the Cheltenham Festival, would not be prevented from going ahead. On 19 March following the rapid spread of the virus, the government announced that there was ‘zero prospect’ of a lockdown in London which would place limits on peoples’ movement. Four days later, on 23 March, the capital entered lockdown along with the rest of the country. ‘Zero prospect’ had lasted less than four days.
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, Esteban Hoyos-Ceballos
The way in which the events surrounding the pandemic in Colombia have unfolded, and the measures taken so far by the executive branch have led us, once again, to think about presidential powers: their scope, extent and limits. The first question we ask ourselves is: what kind of powers does the executive branch exercise when it orders measures such as national mandatory self-confinement? Perhaps in the midst of uncertainty and fear it seems natural to us that mayors, governors and ultimately the President have decided to confine us to our homes under threat of a fine if we don’t follow the precise guidelines of the various decrees and administrative acts. But such power and restriction of our freedom is a matter of concern that we must examine closely. We must also pay attention to the institutional mechanisms that are being deployed to deal with the crisis. In the current situation, not only does the what in the decision matter (i.e., mandatory self-confinement measures), but also the who and the how (i.e., whether the decisions are adopted by mayors, governors or the President – and, in the latter case, if the President does it through exceptional or ordinary powers).
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Martin Scheinin
Finland has a modern Constitution with an ambitious catalogue of fundamental rights. Has this framework, including the constitutional regulation of emergency powers, been able to cope with the COVID-19 crisis? Are there lessons to learn from Finland?
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Eugenio Velasco
As of April 5th, the Federal Health Ministry reported 2,143 confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Mexico. International experience suggests that the country is at the cusp of confronting the full effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. This post provides a description of the constitutional and statutory regulation of emergency powers and a brief commentary on the government’s actions thus far. It starts by offering an account of the constitutional provision of emergency powers, noting from the outset a disinclination to the prospect or desirability of their application. Then, it describes the emergency powers to confront a health crisis contained in statutory form. Finally, it evaluates the government’s response to the pandemic.
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In order to ensure a quick and flexible response in fighting against COVID- 19, Turkish presidency and administration preferred to introduce the measures against the pandemic in the form of circulars instead of declaring a state of emergency. This choice is being criticised for opening the way for arbitrariness and undermining the principle of legality.
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Iain Payne
Compared to many other countries, the known impact of COVID-19 on public health in Nepal has thus far been small. At the time of writing (4 April), only nine COVID-19 infections have been identified. However, as in many low-income developing countries, Nepal is particularly vulnerable to the spread of the virus. The country’s healthcare system is weak and, even at the best of times, hospitals suffer from chronic shortages of oxygen cylinders and ventilators—essential tools to fight the disease. Test kits are limited and the capacity to test samples in large quantities quickly is severely lacking. Moreover, while the existence of the virus within the community is known, the extent of its spread remains hidden The mass migration of workers back to their villages in pre-emption of the looming nation-wide lockdown potentially carried the virus throughout the entire country.
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George Karavokyris
Each time a crisis emerges, the law is entitled to seize the exceptional moment and contain it, within the limits of democracy and the rule of law. Legal normality, as a vague standard, is usually redefined by the legislator and the courts and rapidly adjusted to reality. The constitutional value of public interest comes into conflict with civil liberties and scholars begin to question the law. The saga of the (Greek) coronavirus crisis-law is, like everywhere, utterly reduced to the proportionality of the exceptional measures of the (Greek) State, but its moral and political implications seem far broader and ambiguous.
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Geoffrey Yeung
When news began to circulate about a novel virus in December 2019, Hong Kong was in the midst of protests that had been going on for months. There were (and continue to be) widespread demands for accountability and democracy, accompanied by a significant degree of public distrust and dissatisfaction towards the Government. Pertinently, the Government had just invoked hugely controversial emergency powers to quell the protests. Hong Kong was also one of the hardest-hit regions during the SARS epidemic 17 years ago, and there was a collective determination not to repeat the tragedy.
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Hans Petter Graver
Governments across Europe are quick to limit personal freedoms in the name of fighting the pandemic. The case of Norway, however, reveals how the process of adopting these measures can compromise democratic discourse and procedure. The main rule of law challenges we have seen here are an overreach of the authorities of their legal powers, a lack of transparency and exclusion of the public from public decision-making and battle over jurisdiction to regulate between the central government and local authorities. In the end, it is not just our health, but the rule of law that is under threat.
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Gautam Bhatia
India’s response to Covid-19 has been large in scale, and far-reaching. The country is, at present, under a twenty-one day national “lockdown”, with a near-complete restriction upon the movement of people, the closure of all establishments except those providing “essential services”, and the regular “sealing” of neighbourhoods and areas that are suspected to be Covid-19 hotspots. To understand the legal framework underpinning all of this, it is important to first note that India is a federal republic, with a parliamentary democracy that operates under the framework of a written Constitution, and whose Courts formally exercise powers of judicial review over legislative and executive action. The response to Covid-19, therefore, involves multiple levels of government, and multiple institutional actors.
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Teresa Violante, Rui T. Lanceiro
As we write this report, it is unclear how the Covid-19 outbreak will unfold in Portugal. The country reacted quickly to adopt measures aimed at reducing social contact, including the closure of schools and a general ban on non-essential movement. Whether that will prove efficient to avoid the collapse of the national health system and prevent thousands of deaths, only time will tell. In this contribution, we describe and reflect on the action taken by public powers to address the Covid-19 pandemic, considering the situation as of April 9.
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Abdurrachman Satrio
Indonesia is a perfect example of how poorly a country can handle the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19). In February, when Indonesia’s neighbouring countries such as Singapore were occupied with the restriction of the entry of foreigners into their territory after the announcement of the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan, Indonesia’s government under the Presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) introduced the opposite policy which made it easier for foreign tourists (including those from the mainland China) to travel to Indonesia. The purpose of this particular policy according to Jokowi’s government was to exploit the economic gaps which would arise from foreigners’ fears of travelling to Indonesia’s neighbours including Singapore and Thailand.
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Alan Greene
Like many countries around the world, Ireland has enacted emergency legislation to respond to the coronavirus pandemic. The scope of these powers are vast, impacting on almost every aspect of life in Ireland. Notably, no state of emergency has been declared in accordance with Ireland’s constitutional provisions or under Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
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Melodie Labuschaigne, Ciara Staunton
As COVID-19 spread across the world, the first reported case in Africa was not until 27 February 2020 in Nigeria; six days later the South African National Institute of Communicable Diseases (NICD) confirmed the first case in South Africa. Since then, cases have increased steadily and the first death in South Africa was recorded on 27 March 2020. COVID-19 has shown its potential devastating impact elsewhere, but it is a particular cause for concern in South Africa.
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Tamara Tulich, Marco Rizzi, Fiona McGaughey
To date, in Australia, there have been over 5,350 confirmed COVID-19 cases, 26 deaths and over 275,000 tests conducted. The majority of the confirmed cases were acquired overseas. Australia is a Federation with a national government and state and territory governments. This adds complexity to responding to a national crisis. So far, Australia’s response has been characterised by cooperative federalism, at least nominally, primarily through a newly formed National Cabinet. There has been a staged ratcheting up of border controls and executive powers to prevent and control the spread of COVID-19, and a ‘hibernation’ approach to the conduct of business and exercise of fundamental rights. In this post, we discuss the governance model through the National Cabinet, the hard law response at Federal and State and Territory level and the extensive economic interventions.
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Radosveta Vassileva
On 23 March 2020, Bulgaria’s Parliament enacted a Law on the Measures and Actions during the State of Emergency Announced by Parliament on 13 March 2020 (hereby referred to as Law on Emergency for brevity). This was the second attempt to enact this piece of legislation after Bulgaria’s President vetoed some of its provisions. This new Law entered into force retroactively on 13 March 2020 when Parliament declared a state of emergency (izvunredno polojenie) in light of COVID-19. The peculiar situation that Parliament can declare a state of emergency, define its scope and provide guidance on the measures which could be taken later, and apply the law retroactively to justify measures and actions taken by the executive in the period before defining these terms is troublesome from a rule of law perspective. Moreover, some of the measures go beyond healthcare concerns and create opportunities for arbitrariness and human rights violations. B
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2 years and less than 5 months after the end of the two-year state of emergency triggered on the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, a brand new “state of health emergency” was activated in France on the 23rd March to cope with a new attack led, this time, by a small and invisible enemy, Covid-19. The so-called “state of health emergency” currently constitutes the legal framework and basis of the measures in force to cope with the epidemic, including nationwide lockdown. What is this new regime? Is it a threat to individual freedoms? What are its limits and guarantees? Was it legally necessary?
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Kim Lane Scheppele
Not surprisingly, those of us who write about emergencies have been far more concerned about overreaction than underreaction and we have been far more concerned about politically caused emergencies rather than natural disasters. History is littered with the cautionary tales of overreaction to politically caused emergencies. But the dangers of state failure evident in underreaction are underestimated.
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Emilio Peluso Neder Meyer, Thomas Bustamante
One of the few heads of state that insist on denying scientific and epidemiologic facts concerning the spread of COVID-19 is the Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro. For Bolsonaro, politics comes before truth. Since the beginning of the pandemic of COVID-19, he is disseminating doubts on social media (although Twitter, Facebook and Instagram deleted some of his posts) to galvanize his radical supporters while creating a distraction for his government’s inability to implement social and economic aids to the low-income families affected by social distancing. For the moment, the president has failed to gather the public support that he needs for an extension of the emergency powers of the executive, like Orbán did in Hungary. But his authoritarian discourse has not disappeared from the horizon. On 31st March 2020, for instance, Bolsonaro celebrated the anniversary of the Coup of 1964 as a “great day for freedom”.
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Julinda Beqiraj
With one of the highest death rate by population worldwide, Italy has undertaken a series of necessary but very intrusive measures resulting in strong limitations of fundamental rights and liberties. The Rule of Law (ROL) is considered to be “the basis of all genuine democracy” (Statute of the Council of Europe); and in times of emergency, respect for the ROL and adherence to its principles should still prevail. So, what safeguards have been put in place to ensure that the Italian legislative response to COVID-19 provides effective protection of public safety and complies with core Constitutional principles, international law obligations and the ROL?
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Dean R Knight
New Zealand’s governmental response to Covid-19 has been, so far, dramatic and legally curious. As a South Pacific island nation, Covid-19 was late to infiltrate New Zealand, allowing the government time to shape its response in the light of experiences elsewhere. At the first sign of community transmission, the government moved to lockdown the country – shutting the border, keeping people in their household ‘bubbles’ and closing businesses other than those deemed essential. To effect the lockdown, the government relied on some ordinary legal powers and a handful of reserve emergency powers, supplemented by strong messaging from a charismatic prime minister. While providing a stopgap solution for the sudden move, the current legal framework is bit soft and fragile in places. It seems likely the government will move to sharpen and fortify the legal basis for the lockdown and put in place a more bespoke and enduring solution.
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Tamar Hostovsky Brandes
A notable characteristic of the Israeli management of the crisis is the growing reliance on the military and on national security agencies, with respect to both types of measures. The sections below will examine the measures taken, the concerns these measures raise, and the steps taken to address such concerns.
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David Dyzenhaus
Canada is in almost full emergency mode in its bid to flatten the pandemic curve. But so far the federal government has not declared a federal state of emergency in terms of the Emergencies Act (1985), although it has discussed publicly the pros and cons of taking this step and has been urged to do so on the basis that such a declaration would enable a nationwide testing program. There are four main reasons for this hesitation to declare a national state of emergency.
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On 23 March 1933, an act was adopted in Nazi Germany in response to the “crisis” of the Reichstag fire to enable Hitler to issue decrees independently of the Reichstag and the presidency. Article 48 of the constitution of the Weimar Republic made this act possible. Eighty-seven years later, on 23 March 2020, the so-called 'Enabling Act' was put before the Hungarian Parliament. This was drafted under emergency constitutional provisions in Articles 48-54.
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Joelle Grogan
As states of emergency are declared throughout the world in response to the spread of COVID-19, concerns arise as to the use - and potential abuse - of power in a time of crisis. In this Symposium, comparative country reports examine the use of emergency powers from the perspective of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
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,
A global health crisis, broadcasted almost instantly, arguably ensures that most citizens accept health recommendations responsibly, and no coercive measures are needed for them to take precautions. In fact, the first decisions made by the Spanish health authorities with respect to COVID-19 were passed through documents with no regulatory value. However, the rapid spread of the epidemic forced these authorities to increasingly restrict various fundamental rights and freedoms. Three major legal issues arose then: firstly, whether the ordinary provisions of the health legislation were sufficient to deal with this crisis or emergency powers should be triggered; secondly, whether the central government should have powers devolved to better manage the crisis; and, thirdly, under which conditions and to what extent the government may restrict constitutional rights by virtue of these emergency powers.
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Hoitismolimo Mutlokwa
South Africa has the highest recorded cases of COVID-19 infections in Africa. The Government has acted swiftly after COVID 19 was declared a global pandemic. This blog will discuss the measures that have been put in place by the government, in safeguarding businesses and protecting the rights of workers who are vulnerable to the socio-economic effects of the COVID-19. This will be divided into two sub-topics, namely measures taken during the declaration of national disaster and action initiated during the lockdown.
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Seokmin Lee
The Republic of Korea (South Korea) was calculated to be one of the countries that are “heavily hit” by the spread of COVID-19 that sprung from Wuhan, China. According to the latest Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data, as of March 23, South Korea has reported just over 8,900 cases and 111 deaths. Whereas many Western countries have reached ever higher numbers of infections, South Korea’s outbreak curve has been beaten back. From a one-day high of 909 new cases on February 29, South Korea has seen its daily case count rise by as few as 74 cases last Monday. And this Monday the number of new cases was 64. South Korea is seeing a "stabilizing trend", as Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha told the BBC recently.
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Toon Moonen, Jonas Riemslagh
The last weeks, we have witnessed the outbreak of a virus the like of which the world has not seen in a long time. As the epicenter of the crisis moved to Europe, Belgium has not been spared. Upon finishing this blogpost, 4,269 cases of COVID 19 were reported. 1,859 people were hospitalized. In total, until now, 122 patients died. Measures to fight the crisis and its consequences took many forms, including legally. In this post, we focus on three categories: containment measures, the granting of ‘special powers’ to the executive and measures aimed at socio-economic survival and recovery.
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Diletta Tega, Michele Massa
Particularly in the current month of March 2020, Italian authorities have enacted, and gradually intensified and extended, a lockdown on mobility, assembly and economic activities, currently encompassing the entire national territory. Such measures, unprecedented in democratic countries, have met praise by the World Health Organization. From a legal point of view, a vast array of legal instruments has been employed, and some have been crafted for this very occasion (for a complete list, see the references below). We focus here on national initiatives, but also Regions and Municipalities have employed their emergency powers, occasionally creating problems in coordination.
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Felix Uhlmann
Law secures the stability of societies. In times of the Coronavirus, one is under the impression that law is no longer a foundation of our society but a bed of quicksand. Certainties erode at breathtaking speed. The following contribution looks at the current legal situation in Switzerland from a perspective of constitutional and administrative law. Needless to say that it may be outdated quickly.
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Yuxue Fang
Three months after the first case of COVID-19 reported in Wuhan, Hubei Province, China is presumably approaching its final stage of domestic control, and its present policy focus is on restoring the country to its normal running. China’s current relatively stable condition on the virus, undoubtedly, is hard-earned. Restrictive measures to fight COVID-19, typically including traffic restriction, work ban and events cancellation, have brought about profound economic implications on individual employees and enterprises. In this blogpost, I will review the legal basis and scope of these measures, followed by an examination of supportive measures for financially affected employees and enterprises respectively.
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Leila Barraza, Sarah A. Wetter
Given that COVID-19 has generated unprecedented orders for business closures and social distancing, we must examine what safeguards our legal system can offer. Are there protections for people who cannot go to work because they are sick or under quarantine orders? And if so, who provides the monetary compensation? When businesses are forced to close or events forced to cancel, are there any protections to help businesses recover from extreme losses of income due to an infectious disease outbreak? While our current legal system offers scattered safeguards in select jurisdictions, it is only now becoming obvious that reforms are needed to ensure an economic safety net, everywhere, as part of pandemic preparedness.
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Wen-Chen Chang
Taiwan has demonstrated to the world its strength and success in combating the spread of COVID-19 despite decades of exclusion from the World Health Organization (WHO) and ongoing bullying from the People’s Republic of China (China). Given its geographical proximity and close economic exchanges with China, Taiwan was estimated to be heavily hit by the spread of COVID-19 originated from Wuhan, China. Reversing the trend, Taiwan has maintained a considerably low number of confirmed cases, and detected most cases of possible community spread, while Europe, the United States and the rest of the world are struggling with an ongoing global pandemic.
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Paul F. Scott
The United Kingdom’s response to the coronavirus epidemic is still in its early stages, but seems likely to – eventually – involve a wide range of the emergency powers currently available to the state, as well as some which do not yet exist. Nonetheless, it already seems inevitable that the success of the state’s response to Coronavirus will eventually be judged not only by the nature of the interferences with individual liberty carried out, but also – and perhaps primarily – by the sufficiency of the associated economic measures.
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Anika Klafki,
Germany is in the middle of the global Corona Crisis. Currently, about 11,000 people are infected with the Coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 and 20 people have died of Covid-19 in Germany. The DAX is experiencing price slumps similar to those experienced during the financial crisis in 2008. The following blogpost provides an overview of the relevant legal instruments in the fight against the virus.
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Isabel Feichtner, Geoff Gordon
Here in conclusion, we will not offer a unitary encapsulation of the project as a whole. The contributions are sufficiently diverse, sometimes in disagreement, and any such effort would be premature at this stage. Instead, we are interested to sketch the possibilities going forward for our inquiries into notions of value and value practices, on the basis of what we have assembled here in this symposium. To do this, let us take a step back, to ask a broad question: What makes our questions about value intelligible, and what makes them intelligible now?
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Nofar Sheffi
But how do jurists and legal theorists read and write Airbnb’s story? Do they narrate it as a Cinderella story, the fairy-tale rise to power and glory of three drudges? Do they recount the story of a rare and fantastic ‘unicorn’, a start-up company that reached a $1 billion valuation? Do they retell the ballad of Robin Hood, a heroic outlaw, who robbed the rich to give to the poor, a model of ingenuity, altruism, and popular justice? Do they adopt the economic rhetoric of competition, describing the relations between Airbnb and hotels, and between Airbnb and states, as David-and-Goliath battles between stodgy giants and an innovative newcomer? Do they warn Little Red Riding Hood against the Big Bad Wolf? Or do they caution the three bears about Goldilocks, the gentrifier?
To problematize the valuation of hospitality, this blogpost examines the interplay between different dispositifs that, so to speak, value ‘hospitality’ – tourism, and also migration and citizenship.
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Florian Hoffmann
Florian Hoffmann analyses the left critique of rights and Marx's account of the function of liberal rights as both a necessary legal infrastructure for the 'free' market exchange of commodified labour – and, hence, as an element of the system underlying the constitution and extraction of surplus value - as well as an ideological configuration that obscures the inequality of the (rights-based) exchange relationship through the semblance of equal rights.
Is this really all there is to rights in/under capitalism? And are there sufficiently strong and evident alternatives so as to obviate rights (activism) all together?
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Outi Korhonen, Juho Rantala
For many, blockchain’s social value derives from its potential to foster freedom, neutrality, openness and transparency; or simply from the implication that otherwise is within the possible. But Bitcoin and blockchain are not all potential; limitations apply. And if confined to their ‘mainstream’ uses, private blockchain systems boost efficiency in producing value in its monetary sense and reinforcing global value chains.
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Jamee K. Moudud
In this blog post, Jamee K. Moudud argues that labor relations are conflictual and corporations are fundamentally political creatures who have always attempted to structure the legal and political foundations of the economy so as to further their investment activities. Thus, corporations will generally oppose progressive reforms, especially if they raise costs.
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Anna Chadwick
In this post, I reflect on the relationship between the multi-trillion-dollar forex market in which fiat currencies are traded and contemporary debates over the legal nature and administration of money. Anna Chadwick suggests that the constitutional study of money should be extended to the legal instruments that establish the forex market.
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Christine Schwöbel-Patel relies on the Marxian distinction between use-value and exchange value to understand how images of global justice are circulated as a form of publicity.
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Julia Dehm
In both direct and obvious ways, but also in ways that are often backgrounded and obscured, recent discussions that fossil fuel assets and infrastructures risk becoming “stranded assets” if legal regulations to limit global warming are imposed makes evident the critical role that law plays in (co-)constituting “value”.
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Toni Marzal
There is a remarkably solid consensus in ISDS about how damages should be calculated. But why indeed should we care about the technicalities of valuation? Toni Marzal argues that this is a key question of major legal and political significance, that ought to attract as much attention as the issues of arbitral jurisdiction or investor rights. Beyond the sheer figures awarded against States, there are several major reasons to get interested in quantum-related matters.
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Clair Quentin
Clair Quentin delivers a brief guide to the various schools of Marxian value theory generally encountered today, and what they would say about the distribution of the global corporate tax base if they were adopted as the theoretical basis for the OECD’s work in this area.
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Donatella Alessandrini
Donatella Alessandrini draws from anti-capitalist and post-colonial feminist studies to address the co-existence of technological upgrade and social downgrade in value chain capitalism.
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Oliver Schlaudt
Oliver Schlaudt explains why one dollar is not everywhere one dollar and how that turns the alleged competitive advantage of lower production costs into a structural disadvantage for poor countries.
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Klaus Kempter
Klaus Kempter on Marxian Wertkritik, Modern Monetary Theory and the illusion of the state.
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Gunther Teubner
What follows are six arguments which rebut the primacy of economic profit in advanced capitalist societies, and submit that the imperative to create surplus value is a function of autopoietic systems generally and not merely a product of economic forces.
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Fabian Muniesa
What does an anthropological critique of value require? And what is the use, and challenge, of asking this question in relation to the law? The idea of ‘critique’ refers here to a frontal questioning of the notion of value, not to a contribution to a theory thereof: calling it ‘anthropological’ entails a focus on the constitution of meaning, with ‘value’ understood as a key cultural parameter of economic life, best expressed today in the imperatives of finance.
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Isabel Feichtner, Geoff Gordon
The contributions to this symposium are the first fruits of the research project “Constitutions of Value.” They are based on presentations and discussions at a workshop we convened at the University of Würzburg on 12 and 13 December 2019 (with funds made available by the state of Bavaria for the research network ForDemocracy). We had invited lawyers, an economist, a sociologist, a historian, a philosopher, and a commons activist to think about the role of law (together with politics, economics, technology and science) in co-constituting value and value practices. In this introduction we seek to explain what prompted us to assemble this multidisciplinary group to engage in and contribute to a legal study of value, what we hope to achieve with this project, and the challenges that it needs to face.
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Wenn man nun ein solches Geburtstagsgeschenk bekommt, muss man sich in angemessener Weise dafür auch bedanken. Das Mindeste, was man erwarten kann, wenn so kluge, intelligente und sympathische Menschen mit klugen und intelligenten und manchmal nicht ganz so sympathischen Gedanken mir gleichsam ein Geschenk vor die Füße oder vor das Podium legen, ist doch wohl, dass sie eine angemessene Antwort erhalten. Und das ist eine Antwort, die mindestens auf der Höhe von Hegel liegen muss.
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Christine Landfried
Die repräsentative Demokratie ist durch Entscheidungen, die sie systematisch in ihrer Handlungsfähigkeit einschränken und zu einer Entfremdung eines Teiles der Bürger führen, in eine tiefe Krise geraten. Am Beispiel der Entwicklung der Demokratie seit der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts skizziert Christine Landfried diese Problematik und zeigt, welche Hinweise wir aus den zukunftsweisenden Arbeiten von Ulrich K. Preuß für eine Perspektive zur Überwindung der Krise der repräsentativen Demokratie gewinnen können.
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Dieter Grimm
Das Versprechen der Demokratie ist nicht, dass dem Willen des Volkes Geltung verschafft wird. Denn den Willen des Volkes gibt es nicht. Es gibt vielmehr nur unzählige Kombinationen von Meinungen und Interessen, aus denen jeweils von neuem ein dem Volk zurechenbarer Wille gebildet werden muss. In dem so gebildeten Willen werden sich nie alle wieder finden. Das Versprechen der Demokratie ist aber, dass alle bei der Bildung des Willens mitwirken und also Einfluss auf das Ergebnis nehmen können und dass der jeweiligen Mehrheit nicht alles erlaubt ist, insbesondere nicht, die Minderheit um ihre Chancen zu bringen, selbst Mehrheit zu werden, samt den Voraussetzungen, die dafür nötig sind.
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David Abraham
The great marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm observed that the “long 19th century” repeatedly posed the question of “who is the people” while the “short 20th century” attempted to answer the question – often in the most bloody and regressive ways. It has been one of U. K. Preuss’s great contributions to grapple with and explain how constitutions have attempted to conceptualize and vindicate “the people” within a liberal and democratic order that can free us from those bloody and regressive ways.
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Dana Schmalz
Migration war in den vergangenen Jahren eines der meistdiskutierten politischen Themen. Auf die Frage, ob Migration eine Herausforderung für die Demokratie darstelle, werden viele mit „ja“ antworten, jedoch mit ganz unterschiedlichen Erwägungen. Es geht mir hier nicht um Fragen der „Integration“, die auf Annahmen darüber beruhen, wer wohin migriert und mit welchem kulturellen Hintergrund. Vielmehr möchte ich die Frage formaler betrachten und mit zwei Aspekten beginnen, unter denen Migration als Herausforderung für die Demokratie erscheint. Der erste Aspekt lässt sich überschreiben mit „Territorium und Gleichheit“, der zweite mit „Entscheidung über Grenzen“.
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Verena Frick
Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat in seinen Urteilen zum Ausländerwahlrecht in Hamburg und Schleswig-Holstein von 1990 wenig Zweifel daran gelassen, dass das Grundgesetz auf allen Ebenen des Staatsaufbaus nur das deutsche Volk als einheitliche Legitimationsgrundlage kennt. Ulrich K. Preuß sah das mit guten, demokratietheoretischen Gründen anders. Er rechtfertigte die Zulässigkeit des kommunalen Ausländerwahlrechts gerade mit der Verschiedenheit von Gemeindevolk und Staatsvolk. Preuß‘ Argumentation ist über den Bremer Fall hinaus wegweisend und gibt Anlass, heute noch einmal neu über meist übersehene Orte der Demokratie nachzudenken: Städte, Kreise und Gemeinden.
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Tim Wihl
Die Neue Linke, der man den hier zu feiernden Ulrich K. Preuß zurechnen kann, war immer ein sowohl soziales als auch kulturelles Projekt. Gleiches gilt für die enorme innere Vielfalt der Frauenbewegung. Oder das Problem des (Inter-)Nationalismus, eine besonders scharfe Variante von Verteilungspolitik. Denn die kulturell-zivilisatorisch stets wünschenswerte Weitung des Blicks erfordert keine Freihandelspolitik (liberal), sondern den Streit darum. Wie soll die Nord-Süd-Politik aussehen? Benötigen wir heute eine Präferenz für den Süden? Erst recht gilt für die Umweltpolitik als absolut prioritäre Querschnittsfrage unserer Zeit, als Frage des menschlichen Überlebens in den nächsten 50-100 Jahren: Sie war, ist und wird immer mehr nicht zuletzt – eine Verteilungsfrage.
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Isabelle Ley, Claudio Franzius, Tine Stein
In diesem Symposion soll darüber diskutiert werden, wer das Volk eigentlich ist, wie es sich integriert und wie es zu einem politischen Willen und legitimen politischen Entscheidungen kommt.
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Constantin Hruschka
This blogpost will look at the levels of human rights protection and suggest a way forward in light of the agency’s extended tasks and competencies.
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Carolyn Moser, Rabia Ferahkaya,
Especially since the migratory pressure of 2015, the agency has discovered the significance of the African pre-frontier area. The rationale behind this reinforced engagement in Africa is one of pre-emptive border control and migration management.
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Florin Coman-Kund
This blog post first sketches out the agency’s successive mandate expansions allowing for a broader geographic theatre of operations. It then examines the law currently governing the exterritorial activities of Frontex, in particular the recently concluded status agreements with Western Balkan countries.
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Catharina Ziebritzki
Catharina Ziebritzki argues that responsibilities are effectively blurred by the sheer number of actors operating in asylum processing centres at the EU external borders.
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Elisabeth Badenhoop
This blogpost contextualises Frontex by discussing a pioneer database in Europe, the German Central Foreigner Register that presumably served as a model when establishing the European databases, and by drawing some lessons from the German case for the European context regarding the effectiveness of database surveillance.
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Samuel Hartwig
For many years, Frontex and border control were of little interest to the wider European public. This changed in the wake of the so-called ‘migrant crisis’ as the agency and its various activities were thrust into the limelight due to a steady stream of allegations of misconduct.
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Carolyn Moser
This first contribution to the symposium briefly outlines the genesis, development, and status quo of the agency, while the ensuing analyses will zoom in on specific politico-legal matters that are at the core of the current debate.
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The twenty-two responses to Rainer Bauböck's proposal for strengthening urban citizenship suggest two general lessons. First, there is more common ground than expected. None of the authors defends a strong statist view that would not leave any space for a conversation about citizenship at the local level. Second, in spite of its long premodern pedigree, the idea of urban citizenship seems still so new that it needs to be fleshed out in more detail. Conceptual confusion makes it hard to distinguish misunderstanding from disagreement, so the most urgent task now seems to be clarification.
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Liav Orgad
If one accepts the proposition that control of the gates is a core feature of state-centred citizenship, what can be the legal implications of urban citizenship, in addition to the ones that already exist?
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Kenneth Stahl
Kenneth Stahl argues that many countries such as the United States already have a form of “citizenship federalism,” in which local (not specifically urban) citizenship, based on residence, exists alongside national citizenship, rooted in nationality.
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Willem Maas
The assumption is that nation-states often undervalue potential immigrants and that cities would better value their potential contributions. Because citizenship involves not only inclusion but also exclusion, however, there are dangers to proposals such as Bauböck’s that “cities should determine who their citizens are independently of how states do this.”
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Stephen Minas
On 23 January 2020, the government of the People’s Republic of China imposed a quarantine on the central Chinese city of Wuhan, population eleven million. Stephen Minas reinforces the cautionary trend in this debate over the merits and prospects of ‘urban citizenship’.
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Helmut Philipp Aust
Helmut Aust reflects on the role of law in this discourse. The answer one might give to the question of decoupling citizenship from the state would arguably also depend on one’s disciplinary perspective. It is easier to think outside of the box from the perspective of political theory, political philosophy, and history than it is from the perspective of the law.
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Ran Hirschl
Urban citizenship is a bold and intriguing idea, regardless of whether we envision it as an alternative or as a complement to extant models of state-based membership. However, this concept seems to be slightly off target in identifying the main issue of city under-representation, namely the constitutional non-existence of cities, and more generally, the great constitutional silence surrounding today’s extensive urbanization and the consequent rise of megacities.
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Barbara Oomen
Should urban citizenship be emancipated from national citizenship? Barbara Oomen points at the international human rights framework for three reasons: (1) This is where local authorities are already looking for inspiration; (2) the legal framework of human rights offers an added value in meeting some of the underlying objectives of city-zenship; and (3) it could mitigate concerns legitimately raised in earlier contributions.
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Alexander Aleinikoff
What goes underexplored in Bauböck’s commentary is the relationship of citizenship to sovereignty. Alexander Aleinikoff claims urban citizenship is a useful concept only to the extent that urban areas possess legal authority—some form of sovereignty—to rule by and for themselves.
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Avigail Eisenberg
Along with several other contributors to this Symposium (e.g., Hase and Lenard), Avigail Eisenberg is skeptical that enhancing urban democracy will help meet the global challenges we confront today.
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Margaret Kohn
Urbanisation has radically transformed the way that people live, but a corresponding legal and political shift has not taken place. In North America and most of Europe, the power of cities is derived from the sovereignty of the state. Many cities do not have access to the revenue needed to provide for the social welfare and infrastructure requirements of residents.
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Luicy Pedroza
Contrary to what Warren Magnusson suggests, Luicy Pedroza finds that non-citizen local enfranchisement is highly important.
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Maarten Prak
The urban citizenship discussed in this Forum is not at all new in the Western world; it has a history of at least a thousand years, and when we include Ancient Athens, even much more. This history is relevant because it suggests the scope, as well as the limitations of such alternatives.
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Johanna Hase
In this contribution Johanna Hase highlights two aspects: First, she argues that the framing in terms of urban rather than local citizenship is not helpful, and possibly even counter-productive, for the purpose of constructing the new citizenship narrative. And second, she questions the relation between emancipating urban citizenship from nationality, on the one hand, and the growing competences of local polities, on the other hand.
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Enrico Gargiulo, Lorenzo Piccoli
Stadtluft macht frei, or city air makes you free, was a proverb in the Middle Ages. It referred to a legal principle according to which runaway serfs were to become free after living one year in a city. Today, many scholars suggest that urban citizenship still has powerful emancipatory effects.
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Monica W. Varsanyi
I will take Rainer Bauböck's closing words as my point of departure and offer an answer that is less predictive and normative, and more empirical. I agree with his assertion that we need a robust urban citizenship. I would suggest that we already have some important examples of urban citizenship that challenge and complement national citizenship in crucial ways and it is important to shine a light on those examples to chart a course forward.
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Sandra Seubert
How can ‘staged urbanism’ provide spaces of urban citizenship? Under what conditions can urban citizenship “contribute to overall democratic integration within and beyond nation-states”?
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Harald Bauder
Earlier commentaries in this online symposium highlighted various aspects of urban citizenship, such as the exclusion of non-urban populations (Lenard) or the conundrum of multilevel frames of legal authority (van Zeben). Harald Bauder suggests that urban citizenship can be an important mechanism to create inclusive communities.
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Warren Magnusson
In a way, the question of urban citizenship is easy. If a state were to give non-citizens citizenship rights with respect to local elections or urban affairs more generally, it would be fully within its powers to do so. As Rainer Bauböck and others have argued, there are many good reasons why a state might want to do so – and just as many reasons to protect the state’s authority to uphold the system of rights as a whole. That said, many issues remain. There is no consensus, and perhaps there never can be on the key terms at issue: state, nation, urban, and citizenship.
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Josephine van Zeben
Josephine van Zeben's response to Bauböck’s reflections on urban citizenship considers some legal implications of the postnational view that Bauböck finds most promising. Specifically, it questions how suited citizenship is – as a legal instrument – for accommodating the concerns raised in Bauböck’s contribution.
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Patti Tamara Lenard
It seems urgent that “urban citizenship” is properly characterised to understand not only the rights and responsibilities citizens of cities may well have, but also their grounding. I have no quarrel with this project. However, so far, accounts of urban citizenship – like Rainer Bauböck’s in the piece that launched this forum – do too little to consider the citizenship that is “left over” for those who do not, or cannot, move to cities.
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Nir Barak
Nir Barak deepens the ambivalence in Rainer Bauböck’s account of urban citizenship and suggests a skeptical but friendly critique towards notions of emancipating urban citizenship from nationality. The relationship between urban and national citizenship should not be seen as mutually exclusive; claims for enhancing city-zenship and decentralizing state power are warranted only insofar as they provide forward-thinking urban response to the decline in democratic participation and civic solidarity at national levels.
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Avner de Shalit
The city is not only a "densely populated area of continuous settlement, which is organized as a single jurisdiction" (an often used formal definition of a city); the city is also a state of mind, a certain political and social consciousness.
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Since the first decade of the millennium – for the first time in human history – more people are living in urban areas than in rural ones. According to UN projections, in 2050 the share of urban populations could rise to more than two thirds of the world population. Will this demographic change also lead to a decline of nation-states and a rise of cities as the dominant arenas of politics, democracy and citizenship?
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In the closing article, Gábor Attila Tóth offers a twofold argument. First, despite all its shortcomings, the 1989 coordinated regime change is a unique success story in the region. It resulted in revolutionary changes in the constitutional system. Second, there is a need again for a peaceful, revolutionary establishment of legitimate government, but without a revolution as such.
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Michael Meyer-Resende
The experience of the Central European round tables has no specific relevance today, but it may be significant in the future. Not in a direct way of copying them and it would be unwise to frame any future political consultation as a being inspired by the 1989 round tables. Yet, if we look at the round tables’ essence, negotiating a peaceful transition with an outgoing power, charting a course between legality and legitimacy, the round tables can tell us something of remaining relevance.
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Christian Boulanger
On one hand, I wish to give credit to the Central Round Table which is often seen as not having fulfilled its aspirations. Given the particular structural context in which the round table was operating, it was remarkably successful and achieved more than could have been anticipated given its weak legitimacy and power base, in particular, providing a sense of stability and moral guidance in tumultuous times. On the other hand, my thesis is that it was unable to exert a major influence on what was to follow, neither in the short-term or long-term.
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Petra Gümplová on the Round Table in Czechoslovakia and the potential of round tables as political tools to address current challenges in the Czech Republic and on a global scale.
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Karolina Wigura
Karolina Wigura discusses the idea of future round table talks in Poland between the populists and the other political powers, aiming at achieving a broader consensus to repair the judiciary and other state institutions.
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Andrew Arato
What should be the modality of transformation? The lessons of 1989 transcending the reform-revolution dichotomy could become extremely relevant.
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The year 1989 entered history books as the year of the peaceful dismantling of Soviet-type regimes in East-Central Europe. These regimes did not collapse because of classical revolutions; the process ultimately involved round table negotiations between delegates of the undemocratic powerholders and the democratic opposition. Today the people in the Visegrád countries are divided in their opinions regarding the round tables, not least because of the widespread questioning of its achievements.
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, Barbara Grabowska-Moroz
Professor A. von Bogdandy in his recent piece published at Verfassungsblog analyzes difficulties regarding enforcement of the EU values. He argues that the application of Treaty provisions relating to EU fundamental values should be cautious in order to avoid controversy or pressure. However, the ‘national identity argument’ is not convincing in the Polish case. It cannot be used by a Member State in an arbitrary or blanket way without being checked and confirmed.
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R. Daniel Kelemen, Tommaso Pavone, Cassandra Emmons
In a recent contribution to Verfassungsblog, Professor Armin von Bogdandy observes, “European constitutionalism is perhaps facing a ‘constitutional moment’. But rather than calling on the EU to stand up to increasingly authoritarian member governments, von Bogdandy concludes that, “Powerful arguments suggest caution.” His admonitions offer a lesson into how scholars can inadvertently propagate what political economist Albert Hirschman described in his 1991 book as The Rhetoric of Reaction.
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Kim Lane Scheppele,
In his contribution ‘Fundamentals on Defending European Values,’ Armin von Bogdandy counsels caution. His arguments are wise in normal times. But we no longer live in normal times. The current governments of at least two EU Member States, Hungary and Poland, are engaged in normative freelancing with the explicit aim of making future democratic rotation impossible. The rogue governments we see today are undermining the values of the European Union when the EU is more popular in these Member States than their own governments are.
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Joelle Grogan
Brexit is the ‘shock’ that united Europe according to the President-elect of the Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. There’s certainly an element of truth to this. Despite some occasional signs of disagreement, the EU-27 have given every show of maintaining a unified position in all stages of the Brexit process so far. There may be a tempting political expediency of prioritising a unified position on Brexit (no doubt in ‘protection of the European project as a whole’) above holding individual Member States’ governments’ to account for measures which further and entrench rule of law backsliding. This post aims to outline only some of those challenges, and highlight outstanding issues, in the years of the Brexit process ahead.
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Michael Meyer-Resende
Discussing years of controversies between Polish lawyers and the ruling Law and Justice party, the law professor Marcin Matczak concluded: “We won the legal discussions, but we lost the public debate.” Despite manifest violations of the law, Poland’s ruling party did not lose votes in recent parliamentary elections. In Hungary the situation seems to have been even worse. The public debate was not lost, it hardly took place. That’s a problem.
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Aleksandra Kustra-Rogatka
Is a soft law instrument the right object of assessment in a situation where most commentators on the ongoing rule of law crisis summarise previous EU actions with the statement: too late, too long, too mild? This piece offers a look at the July blueprint for action as a political declaration which provides important general statements regarding the concept of the rule of law within the EU legal system in times of democratic backsliding in Member States.
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Jakub Jaraczewski
In its July 2019 blueprint for action on the rule of law, the European Commission has outlined three main avenues of action on the rule of law in the EU: prevention, response and promotion.
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Armin von Bogdandy
In 2007, the Treaty makers ennobled the former fundamental principles of the Treaty on European Union as European values. Respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law and the protection of human rights have henceforth transcended the sphere of ‘merely’ legal matters. Today, however, this step feeds a perception of a deep crisis: when founding values appear weak or controversial, the entire house may crumble.
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Ursula von der Leyen’s promotional tour before her election did not turn out well. She failed to point to substantive rule of law issues, rather she traced back the division between Eastern and Western European state to emotional components. This text takes a look beyond the political rhetoric and explores what the new Commission might entail for the rule of law in the EU.
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Jan ?ukomski
In this blog, I argue that the global operations of FIFA affecting the labour rights of individuals fall under the scope of the ICESCR and that FIFA’s responsibility for potential violations of these rights can be engaged. It could also form the basis for Switzerland’s international legal responsibility for a possible violation of a state’s obligation to protect.
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Michele Krech
How does FIFA purport to address and overcome its historical and ongoing record of institutional disregard for, and discrimination against, women? Its primary weapon appears to be the recently adopted Women’s Football Strategy, designed to “empower the organisation to take further concrete steps to address the historic shortfalls in resources and representation, while advocating for a global stand against gender discrimination through playing football”. This may seem an ambitious compound goal, seeking to advance gender equality within FIFA, football and beyond. But what promise does the Women’s Football Strategy actually hold in this regard?
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Daniel Rietiker
The aim of this post is to address the relevance of the European Court of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights for FIFA.
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Wojciech Lewandowski
In its Bauer ruling the CJEU confirmed that the fundamental rights enshrined in the Charter might under certain circumstances become horizontally applicable. This post argues that this development of judgments has implications also for sport federations such as FIFA.
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Raquel Regueiro Dubra
Since Qatar won the hosting rights for the 2022 FIFA World Cup in 2010, recurrent human rights violations of migrants working on building or refurbishing new infrastructure for the tournament have been denounced. As football’s governing body, FIFA should have been aware of the risk that the organisation of the 2022 World Cup could entail human rights violations in the country. In this blog, I investigate how a migrant worker could engage the legal responsibility of the different actors involved in the organisation of the FIFA World Cup 2022.
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,
We argued that the explicit inclusion of human rights in FIFA ́s Statutes since April 2016 exemplifies how transnational sports law (lex sportiva) can undergo processes of eigen-constitutionalization that contribute to the protection of human rights. Yet, this protection can be effective only when coupled to regimes of reflexivity and enforceability.
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Eleanor Drywood
This blog explores children’s rights violations connected to FIFA’s activities and discusses the slightly disjointed approach taken to this area in the past which tended to be piecemeal, reactive and uncoordinated.
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Antoine Duval, Daniela Heerdt
In this blog we provide a brief introduction to the symposium by going through FIFA’s human rights impacts, policies, and responsibilities.
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Yongxi Chen
While it is certainly beneficial to contrast the SCS to emerging governance mechanisms in the West or principles of civil liberties, it is equally important to connect it to traditional Chinese thoughts which may have influenced the policy-makers. In view of the tendency of associating the SCS with Confucianism, this blog post concentrates on fajia (legalism), a traditional school of political and legal thought that had shaped the mode of governance in imperial China.
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Jeremy Daum
Posing questions about how technology can be used to shape citizens, and change what it means to be a citizen, is of critical and immediate importance, but using China as a blank slate on which we project hypotheticals causes more confusion than clarity. It can distract us from more pressing concerns regarding China, technology or both.
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Francesca Lagioia, Giovanni Sartor
One of the contested issues in this debate relates to similarities and differences between scoring systems in China and in the West – how unique is China? In this post, we will try to reconcile the different perspectives, arguing that both commonalities and differences exist, depending on the adopted level of abstraction. Thus, we shall zoom in the Chines Social Credit System (SCS), examining the features it shares with other systems and point to related issues: it is a scoring system, it is formal, it is ICT based, it is surveillance based, it is opaque and unaccountable. This enables us to distinguish commonalities and differences.
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Joshua Fairfield
The Chinese Social Credit System trends against democracy. It is being built by a competent and motivated anti-democratic system with social control as one stated goal. The more important question though is whether the Chinese machine learning data diet will make Chinese AI stronger than Western AI, and whether the realities of machine learning will undermine Western-style capitalism and liberal democracy. As this essay argues, I think there is a real chance that both will occur.
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Mirjam Mueller
In a capitalist economy, the value of goods tends to be tied to their exchange value. A Social Credit System is, in principle, able to integrate a wider set of behaviours and characteristics that merit reward than the price mechanism. It could hence turn out to be better at valuing feminine-coded tasks, such as care-work. Yet, I argue, feminists should be sceptical with regards to the emancipatory potential of a Social Credit System, as such a system might turn out to merely reproduce dominant forms of valuing rather than promoting real change.
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Primavera de Filippi
To what extent does the Social Credit System comply with the fundamental principles of democratic legal systems and human rights values?
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Jiahong Chen
In this contribution, I will aim to answer the question as to whether a Social Credit System will be more likely to lead a society to a ‘digital republic’ or a ‘digital dictatorship’. After analysing how the Chinese Social Credit System exhibits an enormous gap between policy-making and policy-execution, I argue that instead of a utopia or dystopia, such a system is more likely to lead us to a future of ‘digital bureaucracy’.
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Costica Dumbrava
Good citizenship cannot be captured or fixed by an algorithm, because: (1) people genuinely disagree about what good citizenship is; (2) there are limits to how any conception of good citizenship can be enforced in states that uphold the rule-of-law; and (3) even the best scheme of algorithmic citizenship would fail to achieve its objectives due to the inherent weaknesses of applying algorithms to social affairs.
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Alberto Romele
The thesis I propose is that the reason why the Social Credit System so scandalises Westerners is not because it is contrary to ‘our’ Aristotelian and Arendtian liberal political tradition. Rather, it is precisely because it shows the illusion upon which this tradition is founded. This consists in believing that there is a void at our disposal between people as ‘free’ citizens and the political as a set of laws.
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Cristie Ford
It is analytically problematic and perhaps amoral to proceed as if the Social Credit System concept is a purely technocratic initiative that exists at some metaphysical separation from the regime that spawned it.
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Jelena Dzankic
I ardently oppose the use of surveillance mechanisms in regulating the relationship between individuals and governance structures. As a result of three interrelated dynamics, rather than creating ‘perfect’ citizens, social credit systems are more likely to create calculated and passive subjects.
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John Cheney-Lippold
John Cheney-Lippold removes China from the analysis. Abstracting a social credit system allows him to ask more general questions: What do all social credit systems purportedly want? And most importantly: What is the 'social' in social credit?
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Mathias Siems,
This blog post suggests that it is preferable to regard China's Social Credit Systems as a specific instance of a wider phenomenon. In this respect, China may be considered as a 'normal country' experimenting with rating-based forms of governance.
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The Chinese Social Credit System, in particular as presented by Western media, is widely seen as the height of technological dystopia. But is that intuition well founded? Wessel Reijers has sought to identify features that he takes to justify a rejection of the Chinese Social Credit System but forgoes an equally critical consideration of the alternatives. Relying on the market, the default solution of Western societies, is not obviously more just.
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Wessel Reijers
The Chinese Social Credit System gets easily likened to dystopian science fiction scenarios in the West, which at least in part seems to be related to the authoritarian character of the Chinese state. But we should assess the Social Credit System in its own right, asking: is the implementation of a Social Credit System leading to a dystopian political system?
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, Anna ?ledzi?ska-Simon
In this blog post Petra Bárd and Anna Śledzińska-Simon propose the CJEU to introduce “rule of law infringement procedures”, having both a fast-track and a freezing component, as part of a wider “EU rule of law toolbox”.
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Karolina Podstawa
This piece offers a brief overview of such anticipated implications of the judgement, firstly, from the perspective of the European Union and its rule of law, and, on the other hand, from the perspective of Poland.
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Luke Dimitrios Spieker
Commission v. Poland gives the Court not only the opportunity to put ASJP into practice but also to clarify the doctrinal framework for finally addressing the developments in “backsliding” Member States under EU law. This contribution will shed some light on these two uncertainties, suggest ways of how the Court could resolve them and explore the potential repercussions for the EU legal order.
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Femke Gremmelprez
The outcome of C-619/18 Commission v Poland will affect the current rule of law discourse on three grounds: First, it might exert pressure on the Council to finally act in respect of the Art. 7(1) TEU procedure against Poland. Secondly, the prospect of pecuniary sanctions in light of an Art. 260 TFEU procedure would create an incentive for Poland to (partially) redress the situation. And lastly, the effective functioning of the preliminary ruling procedure could be endangered.
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Maciej Taborowski, Pawel Marcisz
While the judgment in C-619/18 Commission v. Poland is unlikely to deliver a surprise as to the assessment of the Polish ‘reforms’, interesting issues are emerging in relation to the effects of the judgment for the Polish authorities. This piece starts from a brief discussion why the case seems lost for Poland, proceeding then to analysis whether and how the judgment should be implemented.
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Jakub Jaraczewski
Next month the Court of Justice of the European Union will make a decision that is likely going to feature in the future textbooks on European Union law. In the case C-618/19 Commission v Poland, the Court will tackle the topic of judicial independence and the question of whether the standards of the rule of law were violated by the Polish government and parliament and thus address a critical element of European Union’s legal system.
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Dieter Gosewinkel
Was bedeutet Geschichtlichkeit für das Verständnis des Verfassungsstaats? Im Jahre 1972 stellte sich ein Professor des Staatsrechts an der Universität Bielefeld dieses Thema und entwickelte Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von Rechts- und Geschichtswissenschaft.
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, Tine Stein
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde’s work has received extensive scholarly attention beyond Germany in recent years, with incisive discussions of his legal and constitutional theory, his theorization of the relation between politics, law and religion, and his intellectual mentors. But amid Brexit and the run-up to the European elections in May 2019, it is worthwhile returning to some of the finest moments of Böckenförde the public intellectual.
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Anna Katharina Mangold
Selten gelingt einem Juristen eine Formulierung, die auch jenseits der Disziplin und im öffentlichen Diskurs derartigen Widerhall erzeugt.
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Mathias Hong
Whenever Carl Schmitt is discussed, Böckenförde’s reading of him should be taken into account.
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Mathias Hong
Wann immer Carl Schmitts Lehren rezipiert werden, darf eine Auseinandersetzung mit Böckenfördes Deutung nicht fehlen.
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The current surge of populist movements, the anti-democratic reflections of a wide-spread feeling that something is going fundamentally wrong (even) in democratic societies – are they symptoms of fundamental deficits in representative democracy? Can Böckenförde`s theory of democracy help us understand what is going on?
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Joachim Wieland
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde hat den Sozialstaat als historisch zwingende Weiterentwicklung des bürgerlichen Rechtsstaats verstanden und daraus weitreichende Folgerungen für die Interpretation des Grundgesetzes gezogen, die bis heute von nicht zu unterschätzender Aktualität sind.
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Ute Sacksofsky
Eine wichtige Facette des Wirkens von Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ist die Entfaltung des freiheitlichen Charakters des Grundgesetzes. Sein zentrales Anliegen war es, Freiheitlichkeit nicht nur auf Angehörige des Mainstream zu beschränken, sondern auch die Freiheit der Andersdenkenden zu schützen. Gerade in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren war diese konsequente Liberalität von kaum zu unterschätzender Bedeutung, denn es gab nicht viele, die sich in diesem Sinne äußerten.
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Christoph Enders
Gewöhnlich erregt die Neu-Kommentierung einer Gesetzesnorm, selbst wenn es sich um eine zentrale Vorschrift des Grundgesetzes handelt, kein größeres Aufsehen jenseits der Fachwelt. Anders 2003: In einem Beitrag für die Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung griff Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde Matthias Herdegens Kommentierung des Art. 1 GG, der Verfassungsbestimmung, die die Unantastbarkeit der Würde des Menschen proklamiert, empört und mit scharfen Worten an.
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Benjamin Rusteberg
Böckenförde entwickelte seine wesentlichen Positionen zu Grundrechtstheorie, Grundrechtsinterpretation und Grundrechtsdogmatik in vier Aufsätzen, die er über 30 Jahren veröffentlichte. Diese vier Aufsätze behandeln letztlich alle dasselbe Grundthema, dem er sich jedoch in jedem der Aufsätze aus einer anderen Perspektive nähert und so immer weitere Facetten dieses Themas aufdeckt.
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Frieder Guenther
Wie sind die ungewöhnlich scharfen Reaktionen auf Böckenfördes Debattenbeiträge zu erklären? Und wie war er zu seinen Ideen gelangt, die offensichtlich nicht dem Mainstream in der Staatsrechtslehre entsprachen? Frieder Günther über Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde und die bundesdeutsche Staatsrechtslehre.
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Anna Katharina Mangold, Benjamin Rusteberg
Am 24. Februar dieses Jahres verstarb Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Böckenförde prägte wie kaum ein anderer die staatsrechtlichen Debatten der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, als Wissenschaftler, Bundesverfassungsrichter und public intellectual. Mit diesem Symposium möchte der Verfassungsblog Werk und Person Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenfördes würdigen und seiner gedenken.
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Carolyn Moser
Stories on the civil–military interface in the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) rarely have a happy ending. They tell us that bureaucratic efficiency and operational effectiveness could be enhanced if the civil and military branches of EU security and defence were better streamlined. This blogpost challenges this negative narrative and argues that a significant civil–military nexus—that is the interconnectedness of civilian and military elements in the CSDP—has already materialized.
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Anna Mrozek
The intergovernmental component based on international law principles remains quite strong in this policy field. However, the Council appears as a key decision-making body with regard to launching EU military missions, and determining the structural details (command and control). This certainly raises the question on which level of the multi-level legal system effective rule-of-protection mechanisms are in fact embedded.
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Jelena von Achenbach
While most legal scholarship and the Bundesverfassunsgericht hold that Member States remain self-governed in the field of military policy, the New Defence Policy illustrates that this is not the case. PESCO shows how the New Defence Policy is subjecting the Member States to regulatory measures which are generated and enforced through EU political processes that clearly leave behind the intergovernmental form.
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Falk Ostermann
This blog post wants to raise two objections against politico-integrative euphoria: first, I agree with the view that the current initiatives are marginal in comparison to the EU’s needs for becoming a flexible, ready, and willing autonomous security and defense actor; and second, I will expound that autonomy still matters though in a different way than it did before, posing a particular challenge to EU actorness.
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Moritz Weiss
To what extent does PESCO suggest novel ways and rules of decision-making that are neither supranational nor intergovernmental? While I share the general view that the differentiated integration of PESCO shapes a certain middle ground between the two forms of policy-making, I argue that we should preserve the distinction between supranational and intergovernmental rules since it still makes a difference in political life.
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Sebastian Graf von Kielmansegg
Grand labels like a “European Defence Union” are rather misleading. In particular, there is no “European Army” in sight. For the foreseeable future, there is no return to the European Defence Community of the 1950s. A more realistic solution is a cooperative network of national armies, systematically using the concept of pooling & sharing.
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Theodora Kostakopoulou
The Eurozenship debate has generated a wealth of ideas and [...]
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Stefan Korte
Investments in enterprises, which are relevant for public security and services, are an important source of growth, jobs and innovations. But such investments can be detrimental to the security of supply for the community members – for example, when a state owned enterprise, which is located in a third state, gets control over the only electricity station in a Member State.
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Sven Simon
How to allocate the powers to collect information, surveil and restrict investment between the EU and the Member States? This question has far reaching ramifications for the underlying political relationship between the EU and its Member States.
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Age Bakker
In the face of rising global tensions the free flow of direct investment capital across borders is in dispute. The self-evidence of free capital movements since the start of the euro can no longer be taken for granted. Concerns have emerged about the intentions of foreign investors acquiring domestic key industries.
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Mavluda Sattorova
In its white paper published in July 2018, the government has acknowledged the key role of foreign investment for the UK’s growth and development, whilst also noting that ‘a small number of investment activities, mergers and transactions in the UK economy pose a risk to our national security.’ The aim of the proposed reforms is to ensure that in these cases the UK government is able to intervene in order to prevent or mitigate such risks.
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Joanna Warchol
The EU has one of the world's most open investment regimes, and collectively EU Member States have the fewest restrictions in the world on foreign direct investment. A proposal for a Union Act on the Screening of foreign investment in strategic sectors was tabled by ten Members of International Trade Committee (INTA) at the European Parliament (EP). The inter-institutional “provisional” agreement is going to be voted by the full House of the EP on the 14th of February 2019.
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Teoman M. Hagemeyer
The proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and [...]
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Dominik Eisenhut
The national investment screening mechanisms for the defence and security [...]
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Philipp Stompfe
On 19 December 2018, the German government has passed amendments [...]
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Thomas Papadopoulos
Screening of foreign direct investments could take place through European [...]
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Steffen Hindelang, Andreas Moberg
Volvo Personvagnar AB, Kuka, Aixtron, OSRAM Licht, Daimler, Saxo Bank, [...]
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Liav Orgad
European Union (EU) citizenship is in crisis. If the Eurozenship debate, composed of experts on EU citizenship, is analogized to a doctor’s diagnosis, the outcome is more extensively polarized than initially thought—a chronic disease, not just a temporary disorder. As I follow the debate, it is no longer clear what the problem is—there seem to be too many, real and imaginary—or how to heal it. Some issues seem to be “genetic,” part of the EU’s DNA, yet others resemble a concrete illness that may be cured, so the argument goes, by a “doctor's prescription,” which in law means a legal design.
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Willem Maas
While perhaps appealing as a gesture towards addressing problems such the anticipated deprivation of rights following Brexit, statelessness, or wide variation in Member State naturalization and denaturalization policies, these proposals are impracticable in the absence of international recognition of EU citizenship (which would normally require recognizing the EU as a state, which in turn should normally mean that the Member States cede competence over citizenship), challenge deeply rooted national stories of peoplehood with an emerging story of European peoplehood, and risk undermining fragile public support for EU rights.
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Oliver Garner
I would argue, however, that Kostakopolou’s argument for a “co-determined Eurozenship” would not go far enough in realising the potential of the status. This post develops this argument first by grounding the normative appeal of autonomous EU citizenship in the context of Member State withdrawal. Next, it is suggested that the co-determination of the status by Member States and the EU institutions would be incompatible with the current legitimacy foundation of the EU. The post concludes by considering the more radical alternative of EU citizenship being made autonomous so that individuals can exercise constituent power to re-establish these foundations of the European Union constitutional order.
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov
In this brief contribution I turn to Kostakopoulou’s text and briefly show that her proposal: 1) ignores the core aspects of EU citizenship’s added value; 2) is entirely unnecessary; 3) is not legally neat; and 4) is dangerous for the very nature of EU citizenship today as it essentially pleads for the recreation of the ‘suffocating bonds’ the EU was created to ease, only at a scale much more scary than Greece, Ireland or France, when taken one by one. Besides, it ignores every single outstanding problem actually posed by EU citizenship law as it stands.
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Jelena Dzankic
I would be most happy if Dora Kostakopoulou’s vision of an autonomous EU citizenship came into being. However, there are two key normative and practical pitfalls of her proposal. First, the decoupling of statuses that she proposes poses the risk of ‘free riding’ on EU citizenship rights for those who had, at some point enjoyed, and then lost, this status. Second, having in mind the different definitions of residence across the Member States, linking the acquisition of EU citizenship to this status is like putting a roof on a house with uneven walls.
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Jean-Thomas Arrighi
I agree with Dora that political theorists should not be afraid of radicalism, as long as the proposed reform effectively achieves clearly defined and desirable goals (the utilitarian test) and is consistent with fundamental norms (the principled approach). Richard Bellamy already pointed to the potentially negative consequences of what he describes as a form of “mushroom reasoning” on some of the core principles underlying the European project, such as that of reciprocity. While I broadly share Richard’s conclusion, my main concern here is that Dora’s proposal may not entirely satisfy the utilitarian test requirements. In other words, instead of killing seven flies at a blow, it may end up killing none.
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Jules Lepoutre
A European citizenship model autonomous from Member States’ nationality cannot work within the context of free movement. Should we end the debate, then, and take Richard Bellamy’s side? Not necessarily. Dora Kostakopoulou’s Eurozenship can be both improved and approved, and below I offer a few options for doing it.
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I agree with Dora’s diagnosis, and I agree that the EU – and EU Member States – should act to rectify shortcomings of the Union citizenship construction that largely unconstrained allows inequality in regard to access to Union citizenship and Union citizenship rights. However, I cannot subscribe to Dora’s solution. In my opinion, the suggested reform is not the right cure to the shortcomings of the present Union citizenship practice.
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Dora Kostakopoulou rightly spots some deficits in the current construction of EU citizenship, but she asks the wrong questions about these deficits and her answers would therefore aggravate rather than resolve the problems. She asks: “Why should statelessness lead to the loss of Eurozenship?” The better question would be “Why should the EU tolerate that Member States produce stateless people?” She proposes “that all children born in the EU, who might not be able to inherit a Member State nationality, would automatically be EU citizens”. The better proposal would be to make sure instead that all children born and raised in a Member State become citizens of that state and thereby EU citizens.
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Daniel Thym
In the debate between Dora Kostakopoulou and Richard Bellamy, I agree with most of the propositions put forward by Dora in her introductory paragraphs: that EU citizenship allows former enemies to meet and live in harmony; that nationalistic populism should be rejected; and that the prospect of Brexit remains depressing. Nonetheless, I disagree with her proposal to move towards an autonomous EU citizenship.
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Dimitris Christopoulos
Dissociating Union citizenship from Member States nationality law recognizes and consolidates the assumption that people holding a genuine link to the EU have the right to possess its citizenship, regardless of whether their state of residence is willing to offer it to them. I believe that granting the status of European citizenship beyond Member State nationality, in a period noted by the emergence of far-right populism targeting migration as the major threat for European civilizational unity is a win-win solution both for its bearers and the EU itself.
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Richard Bellamy
Dora Kostakopoulou makes a spirited case for an autonomous status of European Union citizenship – one that is not related to the possession of citizenship of a Member State. However, while I sympathise with some of the concerns lying behind this proposal, I regard it as a misguided way of addressing them that is based in its turn on a misunderstanding of the nature of citizenship and of the EU and its achievements – albeit one shared by a number of the EU’s prime actors as well as certain of its foes.
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Theodora Kostakopoulou
Refusing to believe that political constraints outweigh political possibilities in the present historical conjuncture, I argue that the time is ripe for the disentanglement of Eurozenship from Member State nationality. Since the mid-1990s I have defended this reform. But my argument for an autonomous Eurozenship in this debate unfolds in two steps which are presented in the subsequent two sections. In the first section, I explore the incremental disentanglement of EU citizenship from the nationality law of Member States, while in the second section I reconstruct Eurozenship, that is, I present the configuration of an autonomous EU citizenship law which can co-exist with EU citizenship cum Member State nationality.
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Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz
When is the constitutional design of any (domestic, international, supranational) polity in error? On the most general level such critical juncture obtains when polity’s founding document (treaty, convention, constitution) protects against the dangers that no longer exist or does not protect against the dangers that were not contemplated by the Founders. While discussion of the evolution of human rights and international actors in response to social change (LGBT, euthanasia, abortion) is well documented, such evolution with regard to political change (transition from one sort of government to another) is less well documented. Constitutions not only constitute but should also protect against de-constitution. For supranational legal order to avoid a deadlock of „being in error” in the above sense, the systemic threats coming from within the polity’s component parts must be recognised and constitutional design be changed accordingly.
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Dieter Grimm
Can the democratic constitutions of Hungary and Poland survive an autocratic majority? Hardly. Hungary and Poland seem to be lost for liberal and democratic constitutionalism. At least for the time being, the next question is how democratic constitutionalism can prevent an autocratic majority. The task is to make it difficult for an autocratic parliamentary majority to capture the institutions of critique and control of government and to undermine separation of powers.
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Jelena von Achenbach
Being a democrat means accepting that the law is not a very durable sword against authoritarianism. Democratic law bends and submits to the majority. When push comes to shove, it lacks the capacity to defy anti-democratic, authoritarian majorities. Of course, this does not mean that legal mechanisms and instruments are meaningless in this context. They can work against and impede the rise of anti-pluralist, illiberal and anti-democratic political movements. But it is important to acknowledge that legal interventions and prohibitive measures that target anti-liberal, anti-democratic political platforms also pose risks. They may undermine what they are supposed to protect: a free and egalitarian political process that is based on open political competition, pluralism and a free public discourse.
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Sujit Choudhry
Let us make a plea for modesty. Constitutional democrats need to be clear-eyed and realistic about what good constitutional design can do. We need to steer a middle course between constitutional idealism and nihilism. Constitutional idealists argue that thoughtful and intelligent constitutional design can largely eliminate the risk posed by populism; constitutional nihilists respond by arguing that there is little, if anything, that constitutional design can do in the face of the populist challenge that secures victory at the ballot box and captures the state from within.
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Anna von Notz
When it comes to Poland and Hungary, everyone is talking about the judiciary, about the independence of the courts, about the rule of law. But hardly anyone talks about parliaments. Yet they are at the heart of our democracies. And they are no less at risk. This became clear in the third panel of our workshop, which dealt with the electoral system, party regulation and opposition rights in Hungary and Poland. What may sound technical at first glance are surprisingly effective instruments in the hands of autocrats. It is precisely with these instruments that the governments of both countries have set the course for a “democracy” that primarily benefits the ruling parties and undermines political plurality.
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Mathias Hong
Freedom of speech, media freedom and the freedom of civil society are the lifeblood of democracy. As far as the threats to freedom of speech, media and civil society are concerned, from a normative perspective, the problems of Hungary and Poland are decidedly not external to western democracies. The question arises of how resilient constitutions are or can be made in this matter, whereby political viewpoint discrimination takes a center role in the conetxt of not only constitutional resilience but also our European values.
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Michaela Hailbronner
European institutions and governments have come in for a lot of critique over the past few years. Sometimes such critiques have seemed unfair and hypocritical, in particular where those who criticize are no role models either (e.g. the European Union). And judging on a case-by-case basis, some the actions of the Polish or Hungarian governments seem perhaps not that extraordinary. Yet, once we look at the whole, a different picture emerges. As Tom Ginsburg and Aziz Huq have argued in their recent book How to Save a Constitutional Democracy, democracies can erode where we see changes with regard in the three fields key to preserving democracy: free and fair elections, the sphere of public discourse and the rule of law and the institutions enforcing it, i.e. courts and the administration. In Hungary and Poland, we see changes in all of these areas and this should worry us.
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Does pure majoritarian decision making have intrinsic value or offer better consequences for society? The case of Hungary is not isolated but is an integral part of a global phenomenon. In contrast with earlier waves of democratization that spread across the globe, more recent tendencies have led to the disintegration of democracies. Not only Hungary and Poland (two EU Member States), but also Russia (probably the first regime of this kind), and many other countries from Azerbaijan to Venezuela epitomize this phenomenon, in which the country in question adopts — apparently in a democratic manner — a legal transformation that moves it ever further from, rather than toward, democratic principles. Given that today democracy counts solely as a legitimate constitutional system, the most salient new feature is that authoritarianism must play at being democracy.
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Susan Rose-Ackerman
Those who win elections want to remain in power after the next election. They have an incentive to undermine the credibility of the opposition and to use the tools of political power to do so. Incumbents who aggrandize power and demonize opponents can produce situations where office holders are less and less threatened by credible organized opponents. The opposition, in turn, seeks to gain power not only by espousing alternative policies but also by questioning the integrity and competence of incumbents.
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Christoph Grabenwarter
Resilience of a body in general describes the ability to cope with an attack on its immune system. What is undisputed in psychology or biology is also valid for legal bodies, in particular for states. The term “constitutional resilience” obviously refers to the abilities of constitutions to cope with attacks and in the end to cope with a real crisis. In searching for answers on what constitutional resilience is, this article asks three questions: Where are the vulnerable parts of a democratic state governed by the rule of law? How can one protect the vulnerability of the state or some of its features? If vulnerable parts of a Constitution are properly protected – are the democratic state and its constitution safe?
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Mattias Kumm
The problem with movements and parties spearheaded by “populist” leaders such as Putin, Erdoğan, Orbán, Kaczyński or Trump is not that they happen to embrace more nationally focused policies that metropolitan elites widely condemn as unjust, ineffective or otherwise misguided. Nor is the problem that they embrace a confrontational political style and uncouth rhetoric at odds with the mores of reflexively enlightened society in political capitals across liberal constitutional democracies. Neither of those features would constitute a constitutional threat justifying sustained reflections on constitutional resilience. The problem with electoral successes of populist authoritarian nationalists is that they pose a fundamental threat to liberal constitutional democracy.
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, Mattias Kumm, Maximilian Steinbeis,
What lessons does the plight of the Polish and the Hungarian democracy hold for a seemingly stable constitutional state like Germany? How resilient would the German constitutional setup turn out to be in the case of an authoritarian majority taking and successfully holding on to power? What kind of legal or institutional changes may be helpful to make that event less likely and/or less hard to prevent? These were the questions we aimed to address in a debate jointly organized by Verfassungsblog and WZB Center for Global Constitutionalism, generously supported by Stiftung Mercator.
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Robert Howse
Israel's Nation-State Law can be seen as an expression of the kind of democratic authoritarian populism that appears to be spreading globally. But it is no time to give up the game and there are examples that show how it is possible to counter the narrative of democratic authoritarian populism.
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Yofi Tirosh
Much has been, and will be, written about what the Basic Law – Jewish Nation-State does, but attention is also due to how it does what it does. . The use of language in the Nation’s Law is so troubling in its sophist concealment of the meanings of the norms it encodes, that it creates, perhaps, injustice of the second order.
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Hassan Jabareen
The opponents of Israel's Nation-State Law can be roughly divided into two camps. The first camp views the law and especially its Article 1 as racist while the second camp cosiders it as conflicting with basic democratic values because it does not include the right of equality. This group also views Article 1 as simply declarative, as from the moment of its establishment the State of Israel has defined itself as a Jewish state. How does Israeli law perceive racism? And how tenable is the proposition of the Law being merely declaratory?
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Karin Loevy
The Nation-State Law saga revealed in Israel’s constitutional politics three constitutional narratives while only two are conventionally recognized. . This third narrative is usually disregarded by the Israeli Jewish public and perceived as marginal or even as an existential threat. But in the debates about the Nation-State Law the force of this narrative became apparent and it is about time to shed light on the presence and the value of this alternative narrative.
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Tamar Hostovsky Brandes
The enactment of Basic Law: Israel as the Nation State of the Jewish People on July 19th, 2018, triggered an intense public debate, not only in Israel. But what are the implications of this law? In particular, how is it likely to affect minorities, the right of Israel’s Arab-Palestinian minority to internal self-determination, and the possible development of all-encompassing social solidarity in Israel?
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Cathryn Costello, Elspeth Guild
In that 2015 State of the Union address, Juncker famously asserted that his Commission would be ‘very political’. ‘Political’ in Juncker’s words, meant facing up to challenges, not just ‘business as usual’. Rather, it was ‘time to speak frankly about the issues facing the European Union.’ In spite of this apparent rhetorical and institutional commitment, our central argument is that the Commission’s weakness during the refugee crisis meant it underperformed not only when measured against the aim of being more ‘political’ (in particular if this means correctly identifying and dealing with the sources of real political problems), but even if we envisage for it a more modest technocratic role.
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Joris Larik
The shift away from a technocratic, apolitical European Commission towards a politicized one is a momentous development of the European Union. In the Common Commercial Policy and the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EU has constitutionalized and institutionalized different degrees of accountability mechanisms in this special domain of foreign affairs
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Marco Goldoni
The Juncker Commission began its mandate in the aftermath of a deep crisis affecting the Euro-zone. But was his political Commission able to open up economic and monetary policies to political accountability?
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Kenneth Armstrong
At first sight, it may neither be easy nor obvious to assimilate the conduct of the Brexit negotiations to the idea of a ‘political Commission’. A closer look, however, reveals that Juncker's personnel and organisational choices regarding the Brexit negotiations fit that pattern more readily.
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov
The tale of the ‘political Commission’ is not only bound to weaken the Union’s ability to meet the outstanding challenges touching upon its institutional core but has fundamentally undermined the EU’s action in an area of most fundamental concern: the unfulfilled promise of democracy and the rule of law for all European citizens.
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Alberto Alemanno
This time was supposed 'to be different', at least this was the motto of the 2014 European Parliament elections campaign. With less than a year before the next European elections, the time is ripe to examine how different this EU political cycle has actually been.
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Mark Dawson
The idea of a political European Commission may be the defining idea of the Juncker Presidency. It was the idea that gave Mr. Juncker the Presidency in the first place. As he stated in 2015, he wanted a 'very political Commission'. This ambition raises many questions, particularly: What does the political Commission mean? Did it work and should it be repeated?
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Armin von Bogdandy, Piotr Bogdanowicz, Iris Canor, Matthias Schmidt, Maciej Taborowski
The illiberal turn in Europe has many facets. Of particular concern are Member States in which ruling majorities uproot the independence of the judiciary. For reasons well described in the Verfassungsblog, the current focus is on Poland. Since the Polish development is emblematic for a broader trend, more is at stake than the rule of law in that Member State alone (as if that were not enough). If the Polish emblematic development is not resisted, illiberal democracies might start co-defining the European constitutional order, in particular, its rule of law-value in Article 2 TEU. Accordingly, the conventional liberal self-understanding of Europe could easily erode, with tremendous implications.
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David Kosa?
In a nutshell, I argue that despite several conceptual problems in CJEU’s understanding of judicial independence, it showed a healthy dose of judicial statesmanship in Celmer. As neither the preliminary reference procedure nor the fundamental right to the fair trial are good “vehicles” for addressing the Polish structural judicial reforms, there is a limit what the CJEU could do. The foundations of judicial independence are political and thus the real constitutional moment will be the combo of the next Polish parliamentary and presidential elections.
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Agnieszka Fr?ckowiak-Adamska
It can be argued that the individual assessment required by the Aranyosi judgment is not the proper test in the LM case due to three reasons. Firstly, regular control reverses the logic of the mutual trust developed by the CJEU. Secondly, there is a substantial difference between fundamental rights and the independence of judiciary. Infringements of the latter require other legal mechanisms of protection. Thirdly, the Polish institutional changes affecting judicial independence may influence all 26 EU acts providing for mutual recognition of judgments. A broader perspective should be taken.
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Wouter van Ballegooij,
Surrender cases are litmus tests for the EU’s approach towards the enforcement of the rule of law in the Member States. Without judicial independence and other elements of the rule of law concept, EU law will cease to be operational, whether in the context of the single market or outside of it. Aranyosi and LM are the beginning of a long journey. In a more general sense, these cases demonstrate that ultimately – as in all incomplete constitutional systems – it is the courts which play a crucial role in carving out and applying rule of law and fundamental rights exceptions.
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Kim Lane Scheppele
A craving for the rule of law can be satisfied in two ways. You can invoke it legally through a case-by-case checking of its presence in any particular instance (though of course, retail assessment means you’re at the mercy of the court near you) or you can better guarantee a steady and plentiful delivery by contracting wholesale, thus providing a legal constraint on the supplier’s ability to deviate. This week’s decision of the European Court of Justice in the “Celmer” case (Case C-216/18 PPU, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM) tells us that the rule of law is now available retail in the European Union, but it is not now – and probably can never be – available wholesale.
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Stanis?aw Biernat
Immediately after it was published, the judgment in Case C‑216/18 PPU Minister for Justice and Equality v. LM generated many varied assessments in Poland. Some commentators treated the judgment as a general vote of no confidence against the Polish judiciary whilst others (including the Minister of Justice) found it to be a defeat of the Irish court. The judgment is used as an argument in current political disputes. Leaving aside, however, the aforementioned determinants, it is to be concluded that because of its approach to certain significant issues, the judgment does not yield to an unequivocal interpretation, and its actual consequences are still hard to anticipate.
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In many ways, this case illustrates EU constitutionalism at its best: despite not being obliged to do so, the Irish judge made a request under Article 267 TFEU, bringing together concerns raised by the pending Article 7 TEU procedure and the more technical and narrow issue of fair trial under Article 47 EU Charter. While the ECJ follows the path opened in Aranyosi for assessing the ‘real risk of breach’ under Article 47 EU Charter, in interpreting that provision it manages to weave in the wider Article 7 TEU contextual concerns as well, thereby considerably strengthening the constitutional status of the right to a fair trial.
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Matteo Bonelli
Much was at stake in the LM / Deficiencies decision. The Court of Justice was called to strike a complex balance between different interests, a balance that was bound to be controversial. While the ruling was not the defining ‘constitutional moment’, this moment might be only postponed. The Court made it clear that ‘red lines’ already exist in European constitutional law, and that it is willing to operationalize them. Nonetheless, it should not be forgotten that the Court should not replace the ‘political game’ – a game that is clearly on.
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Matej Avbelj
The diagnosis is grim. So, the CJEU should have done something! If the political class is reluctant, the law in the hands of the CJEU must be put to play. The conventional narrative has it that this has always been the case. This was the gist of the hope laid in the anticipated LM case. The CJEU has not lived up to those high expectations. This is not a landmark ruling and neither will its impact be of seismic constitutional proportions. The reason for that is, as we shall see, not the reluctance of the CJEU to address the problem seriously, but a plain fact that the expectations have been simply too high. While this is, most likely, as good as it can judicially get, the LM decision has still not brought us what we have been looking for. Nevertheless, we might be at least an inch closer toward that goal.
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The LM judgment is certainly not the end, rather the beginning of a development. Its teaching is not that systemic deficiencies of the judiciary do not matter. Rather, such deficiencies shall be addressed systemically. Such systemic solutions may force the respective member state to adjust without making its participation in the EU abruptly impossible.
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Mattias Wendel
The much-awaited judgment in the case LM (also known as Celmer) is a landmark decision. The European Court of Justice acknowledged for the very first time that the essence of the right to a fair trial prohibits, under certain circumstances, the surrender of individuals from one EU Member State to another. Against the backdrop of the rule of law crisis in Poland and elsewhere, this acknowledgment is certain to be seen as a big step towards strengthening the rule of law in Europe. At the same time, the decision falls short of the expectations of those who wanted the Court of Justice to assess the independence of the Polish judiciary in substance.
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Spanish counter-terrorist legislation was originally aimed at fighting local terrorism of a nationalist nature. In Spain, the phenomenon was so present during the constituent process that the Constitution itself included a provision that allows certain fundamental rights to be suspended for specific persons, “in relation to the investigations corresponding to the actions of armed bands or terrorist elements” (art. 55.2 EC –Spanish Constitution-).
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Benjamin Rusteberg
Ever since 9/11, a multitude of laws against terrorism have been adopted, both on the federal level and on the level of the Länder (which in Germany are mainly responsible for the police). The 2002 “Law on suppression of international terrorism” was only the first of many to follow: immediately after 9/11, the Federal Ministry of the Interior seized the opportunity to introduce counterterrorist measures that had been on its agenda for quite some time.
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In the span of three years, France has adopted no [...]
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Daniel Sprick
When HU Bo posted his tweet in July 2014, he [...]
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Margarite Zoeteweij
There is almost not a day that passes without terrorism [...]
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Arianna Vedaschi
State secrecy provides an interesting viewpoint on national and supranational [...]
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Martin Scheinin
On 24 January 2018, the Helsinki District Court of 24 January 2018 ruled on an alleged plan by three Muslim men, all Finnish nationals, to travel to Syria and join the ongoing armed conflict there. The prosecutor chose to base the charges on Section 2, Preparation of an offence to be committed with terrorist aim, under the construction that joining the armed opposition forces in Syria so as to engage in hostilities against the official army of the al-Assad regime, could have resulted in death or injury to members of the Syrian military forces.
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Rumyana Grozdanova
Writing extra-judicially, Lord Justice Brown once described the typical court [...]
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Christophe Paulussen
Terrorism is all over the news these days but not [...]
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
Poland and Hungary have governments that are systematically undermining constitutional checks on the power of their leaders and deliberately turning all state institutions into arms of the party. Those cases demand that the EU’s full powers be urgently directed to averting a full-blown autocracy within the EU. What can be done?
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
When Hungary first starting doing down the path to autocracy after 2010, EU officials were quick to recall the “failed” case of Austria in 1999. Didn’t the EU learn from its experience?
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
According to Frans Timmermans, speaking on 17 September 2017, “the situation in Hungary is not comparable to the situation in Poland” implying that Poland is far worse off than Hungary in the rule of law department. But is that true?
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
Despite the Commission’s best and repeated efforts, the rule of law situation in Poland has indeed been going from bad to worse under the stewardship of Poland’s de facto leader and its “Law and Justice” governing party.
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
Why have some EU officials called Article 7 the EU’s “nuclear option” – and is Article 7 really that powerful?
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
Does the Commission have the competence under the Treaties to monitor compliance with the rule of law in countries suspected of rule of law backsliding, even in the event of a breach in an area where the Member States act autonomously?
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
On 26 January 2018, Jarosław Kaczyński, Poland’s de facto leader (which in itself is a rather unhealthy sign in a democracy), claimed that what he refers to as judicial “reforms” would not be an EU matter but rather an “internal competence guaranteed by EU law”.
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
What would happen to the principle of mutual trust? Take requests for extradition under the European Arrest Warrant: Member States would be required to send anyone on their territory (including their own nationals) to a non-rule-of-law abiding Member State.
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
The notion of backsliding implies that a country was once better, and then regressed. How does that happen? Turns out, it follows a well-organised script that can be summed up in 8 steps.
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Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech
Is the rule of law too vague a notion to be enforced by the EU against its Member States? Discussing possible sanctions against Poland over its rule of law issues, the Bulgarian prime minister recently claimed that the rule of law is too “vague” to be measured before adding: “Every time you want to hurt someone’s feelings, you put [on the table] ‘the rule of law’.”
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Uladzislau Belavusau
Twelve scholars from eight countries have offered their critical perspectives on the legal governance of historical memory, categorised under the common heading of “memory laws”. One aspect crystalized by this symposium is that despite their multiple forms (punitive and declarative, constitutional and administrative, legislative and judicial, etc.), the adoption of such memory regulations has been on a tremendous rise in Europe.
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Ioanna Tourkochoriti
An important area where law and historical memory intersect is the use of memory laws to express collective disapproval of crimes against humanity. These laws, although based on a compelling need to use the symbolic dimension of the law in order to condemn the lowest points of history, can have dangerous unintended consequences for freedom of speech.
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Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz
The past has not been spared from the “politics of resentment” engulfing Poland for the last two years. The peculiar (mis)understanding and political instrumentalization of history by Polish rulers provide an important cautionary tale against one-sided partisan historical debate as it impacts how we remember the past and see ourselves today.
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History is a battlefield of present politics. Dealing with the past reveals the power struggles and strategies of the present. Past events are both denounced and glorified by political agents of the present hoping to weaken their enemies. However, the past also contains injustices and political crimes and any decision not to deal with them in the present only reaffirms them and confirms the unjust status of their victims. Not to contend with the past injustices thus compromises the legitimacy of the present system of positive law. To deal, or not to deal with the past, indeed, is an important question. However, it is also inseparable from questions of which past is to be dealt with and how.
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With this blogpost for the T.M.C. Asser Institute – Verfassungsblog joint symposium, I would like to draw attention to another facet in the legal governance of historical memory, that regarding the use of totalitarian symbols of the past. This issue remains particularly pertinent in the region of Central and Eastern Europe in parallel to the widely discussed decline in the rule of law.
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After the 1989-90 democratic transition, Poland and Hungary were the first to introduce the institutional framework of constitutional democracy and of transitional justice. For a number of reasons, including a lack of democratic traditions and constitutional culture, after the 2010 parliamentary elections, liberal constitutionalism became a victim of the authoritarian efforts of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party. In April 2013, the government as part of the Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law adopted Article U, which supplements detailed provisions on the country’s communist past and the statute of limitations in the body text of the constitution.
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The Ukrainian parliament Verkhovna Rada adopted four ‘memory laws’ shortly after the Maidan revolution in the spring of 2015: One contains a legislation criminalizing both Nazi and Communist totalitarian regimes, prohibiting the propaganda of their symbols; two laws commemorating, respectively, Ukraine’s fighters for twentieth-century independence movement and the victory over Nazism during the Second World War, and a law guaranteeing access to archives of repressive Soviet-era organs. These laws raise fundamental questions about the legitimate defense of democracy in times of political transformation and war.
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Nikolay Koposov
The notion of memory laws emerged as recently as the 2000s, and it can be used in a narrow sense of denoting enactments criminalizing certain statements about the past (such as Holocaust denial) and in a broad sense as including any legal regulations of historical memory and commemorative practices. Such regulations are by no means a recent phenomenon.
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Eric Heinze
Recent years have witnessed a surge of studies on law and historical memory, often authored by comparative constitutional scholars. Such scholarship frequently takes ‘particularist’ forms, through studies of dramatic events within specific states or regions. As part of the T.M.C. Asser Institute – Verfassungsblog symposium on memory laws, however, this essay asks: Can the discipline be characterised as a whole? If so, in what ways and with what aims?
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Gra?yna Baranowska
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias followed up on this topic by mapping the landscape of various memory laws in the recent years and unfolding the ongoing challenges to fundamental rights, joined by Anna Wójcik with an exploration of how memory laws affect state security. With this contribution, I would like to discuss how the European Court of Human Rights has failed to offer redress to the families of the victims of the Katyń massacres seeking to receive information about their loved ones. I will compare the Polish case-study with the Spanish and South-American practice concerning the “right to the truth”, thus adding this concept to the array of topics discussed under the umbrella of “memory laws” and mnemonic constitutionalism.
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Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Aleksandra Gliszczynska-Grabias followed up on this topic by mapping the landscape of various memory laws in the recent years and unfolding the ongoing challenges to fundamental rights. With this essay, I would like to highlight another aspect of mnemonic constitutionalism, affecting various understandings of security.
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Aleksandra Gliszczy?ska
Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Drawing on his idea of mnemonic constitutionalism, I would like to join this discussion by mapping the general landscape of how memory laws have recently been manufacturing the socio-constitutional climate in various states.
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Uladzislau Belavusau
Memory politics and protection of ethnic minorities have not received enough attention in the discussion on the decline of the rule of law in Poland and Hungary. Poland has recently supplied a paradigmatic example.
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Paul Blokker
While the developments in Poland and in Hungary clearly have to do with a move away from legal constitutionalism, I am not so sure about their moving towards a form of political constitutionalism, as prof. Adam Czarnota suggests. In my view, a key dimension of political constitutionalism is the observation that specific constitutional norms and rights are ultimately ‘essentially contestable’ as reasonable disagreement is an intrinsic part of democracy. Therefore, the understanding and interpretation of such norms and rights ought to remain part of an on-going political debate, rather than being one-sidedly interpreted by the judiciary. Such an open and inclusionary political debate ought to take place within the limits of the constitution, as a basic framework for resolving disagreements. And it ought to be grounded in the ideas of audi alteram partem and the equal weight of different views in the debate.
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Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz
"It is the institutions that help us preserve decency. They need our help as well. Do not speak of “our institutions” unless you make them yours by acting on their behalf. Institutions do not protect themselves. They fall one after the other unless each is defended from the beginning. So choose an institution you care about - a court, a newspaper, a law, a labor union - and take its side."
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Tomasz Gizbert-Studnicki
N.W. Barber and A. Vermeule, in their seminal paper, differentiate between three types of cases in which the exceptional role of courts can come to light. I will be interested only in the third type of cases, which has been defined by Barber and Vermeule as follows: ‘There are some cases in which the health of the constitutional order requires the judge to act not merely beyond the law, as it were, but actually contrary to the law.’
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Lech Morawski
Let me begin by quoting Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, in which he stated that a “democratic government should be government of the people, by the people and for the people”. As you know the current government in Poland does not enjoy the support of the political and economic establishment or academic professors but it is supported by the majority of ordinary people.
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Adam Czarnota
In the present constitutional crisis, my position is that we have to criticise the changes made by the ruling party to the Constitutional Tribunal but not because they undermine rule of law in Poland and are radical. In my opinion the changes are not radical at all. We do not see changes in the “grammar” of law but we observe changes of elites with preservation of the same institutional setting. Only the aesthetic dimension of exercise of power by the government has changed. The rhetoric indeed has rapidly changed but all mechanisms remain the same. In such a situation, the “self-defence” of the institutions including constitutional tribunal in Poland is a part of the political spectacle, part of the drama by which mobilised citizens are manipulated for political gain.
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Marcin Matczak
Nicholas Barber’s paper “Self-Defence for Institutions” provides a useful tool for analysing the complex relationship between the branches of government, in particular between the most dangerous and the least dangerous ones: the legislative and the judicial. This paper sets out to elaborate the theoretical tool proposed by Barber and to show that the elaborated tool has a better explanatory value than the original when applied to real-world circumstances. The real-world case examined in this paper is the constitutional crisis that Poland has undergone for the last 18 months.
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Christian Tomuschat
The Colloquium on the judgment of the Italian Constitutional Court [...]
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Filippo Fontanelli
This short presentation distils the conclusions of the panel regarding [...]
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Antje von Ungern-Sternberg
The conveners asked the third panel of the conference to [...]
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Karin Oellers-Frahm
In the following I will briefly give you an overview [...]
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Giovanni Boggero
The first panel dealt intensively with the question as to [...]
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Christian J. Tams
2 ½ years after it was rendered, Sentenza 238/14 of [...]
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Riccardo Pavoni
1. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS This post summarizes some of the key [...]
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Alessandro Bufalini
I will focus here on two facets of Judgment 238/2014 [...]
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Heike Krieger
Judicial practice may be a means to overcome the opposition [...]
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Paolo Palchetti
Introduction 1. International legal thinking has long been dominated by [...]
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Andreas von Arnauld
Jurisdictional Immunities, or: A Formally Strong German Position On the [...]
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Anne Peters, Valentina Volpe
Sentenza 238/2014 of the Italian Constitutional Court created a legal [...]
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Paul Blokker
Populist engagement with constitution-making and constitutional reform forms a distinctive, [...]
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Diego Werneck Arguelhes
We typically think of courts as victims or targets of [...]
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Juan F. Gonzalez Bertomeu
Introduction: foes of all stripes Let’s start with this truism—no [...]
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In 2005, the Colombian Constitutional Court upheld an amendment allowing [...]
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Bertil Emrah Oder
Populist strategies have for some time been an integral part [...]
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Bilyana Petkova
Common criticisms of judicial activism stretch from the somewhat outdated [...]
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Samuel Issacharoff
A discussion of courts and populism begs for definitional boundaries. [...]
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Or Bassok
The American Supreme Court is currently ill-equipped to confront populism. [...]
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Alon Harel
“I did not come to in order to be loved [...]
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Rosalind Dixon
Democratic “populism” is on the rise worldwide. In the last [...]
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Andrew Arato
The antagonism of populist governments to apex courts is a [...]
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The meaning of “populism” is deeply contested. It is striking, [...]
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Michaela Hailbronner, David E. Landau
This mini-symposium is a joint project between the editors of [...]
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Armin von Bogdandy, Michael Ioannidis
The pointed commentary published on Verfassungsblog over the last week—coming from different perspectives and informed from different experiences—shows the potential of such debates. In the case of Greece, they are an important addition to a discourse focusing too much on austerity or debt sustainability.
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Stylianos-Ioannis G. Koutnatzis
For the Greek drama to be resolved on a long-term basis, the shift from the exclusive focus on finances to institutional arrangements is long overdue. Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis convincingly set out the proposal’s significant advantages. At the same time, however, its implementation might raise a host of both legal and practical considerations.
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Sergio Dellavalle
Von Bogdandy and Ioannidis’ implicit suggestion that the question of legitimacy in institution-builing could be bypassed by making use of the Greek diaspora is not really convincing. Sergio Dellavalles's response to the proposal made by v.Bogdandy/Ioannidis.
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Matthias Ruffert
Armin von Bogdandy’s and Michael Ioannidis’ proposals are highly welcome, as are any proposals to strengthen the Greek State as a strong partner in the EU. No doubt, there will be no fourth rescue package, so we better try something else.
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Maciej Taborowski
Greece has a problem with its institutions, a fact admitted even by the government of that country. The prospect of bankruptcy and collapse of the European order represents a good justification for the proposal made by v. Bogdandy and Ioannidis.
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Frank Schorkopf
The Greek diaspora as such does not have a superior ethos compared with Greeks at home. Frank Schorkopf responds to the proposal on institution-building in Greece made by Arnim v. Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis.
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Luca De Lucia
There are certain risks that could delegitimise and further weaken the Greek political, bureaucratic and judiciary institutions. Luca De Lucia's respond to Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis' proposal for a new approach to institution-building in Greece.
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As populism rises and crises of the rule of law emerge, we have to think out of the box. Pál Sonnevend's reply to v. Bogdandy and M. Ioannidis focusses on the democratic environment and guarantees of the rule of law in Greece.
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Angelos Chaniotis
For decades, a significant number of Greek public servants owed their position to patronage, nepotism, party support, or fraud. Angelos Chaniotis responds to Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis' suggestion to institution-building in Greece.
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Achilles Skordas
Even though Greece avoided imminent collapse and civil unrest in 2015, the reform process has not reached the threshold of irreversibility. Response by Achilles Skordas to the suggestions made by v. Bogdandy and Ioannidis.
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The fact that Greece seems to be in trouble again should be considered an opportunity! Response by András Jakab to v. Bogdandy/Ioannidis' suggestion to use the Greek diaspora as a tool for a new approach to institution building.
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Armin von Bogdandy, Michael Ioannidis
Current attempts to solve the crisis in Greece aim at economic solutions. With a new bailout programme being stalled and the next tranche once more postponed, the search is on for new solutions off the beaten paths.
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Richard Bellamy
The premise of this timely and important book is that the Euro crisis has placed the EU in an existential predicament that cannot be resolved in the usual fashion of yet more of the same. Though there is surprisingly little by way of a sketch of what might have been the Eurocrats’ dream, the reader is left in no doubt that we are currently living through what might best be termed the Eurocrats’ nightmare – a form of governance that falls far short of the current challenges confronting the EU, and is indeed partly promotive of them.
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Bojan Bugaric
The European Union is facing a political crisis unprecedented in its 59-year history. This club of democratic countries established primarily to promote peace and prosperity in post-war Europe is facing a nationalist and populist surge that threatens the democratic principles at the very heart of the EU. Capitalizing on the European sovereign debt crisis; backlash against refugees streaming in from the Middle East, Brexit and public angst over the growing terror threat, previously fringe political parties are growing with alarming speed.
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Mark Dawson, Floris de Witte
Almost all contributions to the collection ‘The End of Eurocrats’ Dream’ touch upon a tension that has been implicit in the integration process from the very start, but has only explicitly manifested itself during the Euro-crisis: the tension between independence and interdependence. This tension is also evident in the refugee crisis, and in (the aftermath of) Brexit: how can we at once accept Member State autonomy (in fiscal policy, border control or deciding on the conditions for EU membership) while at the same time sustaining collective commitments towards, say, a monetary union, Schengen or free movement?
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Maurizio Ferrera
As stated in its preface, this impressive collection of essays has the ambitious aim of launching a “fundamental debate” about European integration in the wake of the crisis and, in particular, the institutional reforms and policy choices made since 2008. The volume’s title already contains the basic diagnosis. European integration has fallen prey to a technocratic project - a dystopian dream which has corroded the EU’s constitutional integrity, its legitimation basis, its very point and purpose. This dream has to end, or better yet be brought to an end through an effective, if laborious, intellectual and political work. This is the basic message of the volume, shared by all its contributors.
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Daniel Innerarity
The Eurocrats’ dream was the stealth Europe. The Monnet method of bureaucratic integration has been mechanical and furtive, dominated by necessity. The principal leaders of integration, on the right and the left, have been driven by a crude determinism that presumed that economic development would inevitably lead to desired institutional improvements. The hidden hand of functional imperatives has been more important than reflection and choices, as if integration could be carried out without the need to make express decisions of the kind that are contained in constitutional moments.
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Poul F. Kjaer
The process of European integration was from the outset marked by an integrationist teleology as formally stated in the objective of “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe” in the preamble of the Treaty of Rome. The core message of The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream is that this integrationist teleology has come to an end.
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Karl-Heinz Ladeur
Are „Eurocrats“ to blame for the bad shape of Europe? First of all, one has to ask whether „Eurocrat“ is a meaningful term at all. Obviously one can find lots of examples in the European law and politics that demonstrate a kind of hubris and at the same time a complete failure to accomplish the goals of the „European Project“ – one needs to mention only the grand „Lisbon“ prospect of technological modernisation.
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One person’s dream is another person’s nightmare. This oneiric truth indicates the relative meaning of dreams, yet it also invites a wake-up call. The End of the Eurocrats’ Dream volume edited by Damian Chalmers, Markus Jachtenfuchs and Christian Joerges is such a wake-up call warning fellow academics, European politicians and the general public that what used to be presented by many advocates and agents of European integration as a wonderful dream is now often experienced as a nightmare with potentially disastrous effects for European and national politics in all countries of the EU.
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Elise Muir
One ought to be cautious to take a broad spectrum so as to avoid the temptation of narrowing down concerns to a specific set of events such as Brexit or ‘a crisis’. The process of European integration is indeed so advanced that a narrow approach could result in a biased analysis. Meanwhile, one still needs to be precise and concrete so as to induce a constructive dialogue for change.
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Jonathan White
While EU scholarship still tends to narrate the Union’s history as one of successful adaptation, and the ‘euro crisis’ as something like a rite of passage, here is a book in a different mould. Singularities and turning-points are the blocks it builds with, and the present moment marks a conclusion.
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Robert Howse
No one wants to go down in the history books like those fools who said in the 1930s, "well, Hitler isn't such a bad chap really..." Protecting our egos from the imagined judgment of prosperity, the cautious course is to predict the worst for the Trump Presidency, the very destruction of the American constitutional regime, the collapse of liberal democratic values. I however am willing to risk being proven a fool, so here goes...
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Massimo Fichera
We should be careful when we embrace the new transnational paradigm. If dialogue can take place, this must not forget that constitutionalism's soul must be looked for at the local level, not in the fluid transnational arena - beyond the seemingly neutral vocabulary of technocracy, and reaching out to a physical space where claims can be put forward, resources allocated, boundaries defined, and decisions contested, within touching distance.
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Lorenzo Zucca
In Europe, UK, and USA constitutional structures are proving unfit to respond to the challenges of the XXI century. Now is the time to ride on the constitutional moment for the all three of them.
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Frank Cranmer
Writes Matej Avbelj in High time for popular constitutionalism!, ‘The majority in our societies seems to be increasingly disconnected with the liberal values that especially the legal academia, but also the ruling political class – at least on a declaratory level – have taken for granted…’ Living as I do in the country in which one sees an increasing distaste for the European Convention of Human Rights and regular media criticism of the ‘unelected judges’ in Strasbourg – and that despite the fact that the judges of the Court are, in fact, elected from a slate of three by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe – I cannot help wondering whether the disconnect is anything very new.
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David Abraham
The failure to offer a serious alternative to the current maladies of capitalism should not be construed as a constitutional crisis.
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Cormac Mac Amhlaigh
Part of the malaise surrounding our contemporary world is a tendency to view constitutional politics, to borrow Goethe’s metaphor, as architecture rather than music; as fixed and immutable rather than a dynamic phenomenon which requires the ongoing assertion and reassertion of the key values and terms of engagement of our mutual interaction with each other and with authority. Six practical suggestions how to defend our constitutional values.
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Matej Avbelj
Not long ago the advent of illiberal democracy has been announced. It has been mocked, downplayed, but also seriously critically engaged with, including by the authors of this blog. However, since the idea has come from marginal countries in the European East, from Hungary, Poland, but also Slovenia and the likes, it has not been really perceived as an objective threat to the Western constitutional order. The election of Donald Trump, not for who he is, but what he has been standing for, must change this.
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Selin Esen
Refugee migration has always been a phenomenon for many countries in the modern age and Turkey is no exception. Since the 20th Century Turkey hosted hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers and refugees from different countries.
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Antonia Baraggia
From the very beginning of the Eurozone crisis, conditionality progressively entered into the vocabulary and the normative sphere of the EU economic governance. At the time of the first assistance package to Greece, conditionality was just an emergency tool set in the bilateral Loan Agreements, signed by Greece and other Members States. However, after the establishment of emergency funds like the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM) and the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), and especially after the creation of a permanent institution, a sort of “European mirror image of the IMF” – the ESM – conditionality has become a sort of leitmotiv of the European response to the economic crisis or, even, a necessary requirement according to the ECJ.
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Viorica Vita
For the last seven years, sovereign debt conditionality dominated the European public discourse. Courts called to adjudicate heavy conditions impeaching on constitutional core of EU nations. National parliaments vocally debating the democratic legitimacy of austerity measures. Executives busy implementing generous reform packages. Scholars actively commenting on the constitutional implications of crisis-driven conditionalities.
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Bartosz Marciniak
Τοῖς πᾶσι χρόνος καὶ καιρὸς τῷ παντὶ πράγματι ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν. This Septuagint translation of a verse from the book of Ecclesiastes points to a fundamental distinction regarding the transience – the distinction between chronos (time) and kairos (a right moment). Time is everlasting and consists of singular kairoi. Kairos, being its constitutive part, should not defy the structure of time. This distinction bares on the way in which we should understand any change of a constitution that claims to belong to free and equal citizens.
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Maksim Karliuk
After the fall of the Soviet Union, many post-Soviet countries pursued integration among themselves, leading to various regional arrangements. Those had little success for an array of reasons stemming from considerable differences among the many integrating states. Eventually, an understanding came along, that in order to make things work, a change in approach is needed. Among others, such a change would require an efficient legal framework and stronger regional institutions capable of upholding it. These features were played with on the way to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which was obviously inspired by certain narratives about the EU integration process, and eventually launched in 2015.
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Enrico Peuker
Two months ago, the European Parliament and the Council have enacted the European General Data Protection Regulation as the result of a 4 years running legislative procedure. For a long time, it was uncertain whether the regulation could be passed at all: Not only has there been considerable opposition by EU Member States, but there have also been about 4.000 amendments by Parliament, accompanied by an enormous engagement of lobby groups.
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Hungary was the first country in the post-Soviet bloc that joined the Council of Europe and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and this remains a matter of national pride. While the Convention is perceived as a yardstick in human rights protection that may not be circumvented, still lively debate surrounds the authority of the case-law of European Court of Human Rights. The recent constitutional reform has left the status of the Convention largely untouched. The Convention still enjoys a supra-legislative rank: it is subordinated to the Fundamental Law but is superior to all other pieces of legislation.
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Alberto Alemanno
As calls for a political check of the TTIP mandate multiply, time has come to pinpoint where the problem in the on-going negotiations lies.
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Matej Avbelj
The EU constitutionalism has been transformed. For the worse. The causes for that are well known. They are the sum of consecutive, unresolved financial, economic, political, humanitarian and security crises. This post is not interested into causal relationship between the crises. It centers instead on their aggregate negative outcome and the possible way ahead. It asks what exactly the EU constitutionalism, as a dominant narrative of European integration, has (d)evolved into and what can be done to fix its fissures?
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Ruvi Ziegler
On Thursday 23rd June 2016, pursuant to the European Union Referendum Act 2015, a UK-wide referendum will be held on the question: ‘should the UK remain a member of the EU or leave the EU’. Hitherto, much of the referendum debate has concerned immigration (to the UK) by EU citizens, exercising their mobility rights, with rather unsavoury rhetoric concerning deportation of criminals and ‘warnings’ about future arrivals from candidate accession states. Alongside immigration, leading campaigners have argued that the referendum is, at heart, a about questions of sovereignty and democracy.
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Gianluigi Bizioli
As far as individuals are concerned, international problems can be tackled through increased tax cooperation and transparency. As to corporations, on the other hand, taxing multinational groups at arm’s length together with an increase of tax cooperation would not solve the problems of global tax law. In this case, the problem lies in the structural principles behind international taxation of multinational groups and, therefore, a reaction based only on tax transparency is clearly insufficient.
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Vigjilenca Abazi
The ability of organisational insiders to speak up and disclose information in the public interest is at the core democratic values. It seems paradoxical then to punish and prosecute those who actively practice them. The time is ripe to establish a legal framework with clear requirements for protected disclosure that affords a wide protection to individuals who expose wrongdoing in the public interest.
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Stephen B. Cohen
The United Nations Covenant should be interpreted to prohibit state mandated bank secrecy, which facilitates tax evasion by wealthy residents of the developing world. In other words, bank secrecy laws of Lichtenstein, Panama, and Switzerland, for example, violate internationally recognized human rights.
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Reuven S. Avi-Yonah, Gianluca Mazzoni
I am skeptical about the effectiveness of a shift towards more transparency. I do not believe that this could help overcoming the growing gap between legality and legitimacy in international tax law. Especially, I do not see how the gap can be reduced by making taxpayer information public. Or better, I do not believe this is the right path that States should pursue.
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Yoseph M. Edrey
Privacy, at least with respect to taxes, is the shield of the villains. The legal or constitutional issue should not focus on preventing the flow of information but rather on the way the informed uses the information.
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Ekkehart Reimer
Information is the new currency of international tax policy. Countries have successfully developed techniques and strategies to enhance the flow of tax-relevant information across borders. This shift requires adaptations with respect not just to human rights but to democracy: Lawyers should reconsider the traditional core of parliamentary power to tax. Democratic assent to the imposition of taxes needs to be informed consent. As long as lawmakers cannot assess the economic impact of existing and new tax rules in a global environment, lawmaking is a blind flight.
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Liav Orgad
This has been an instructive discussion that has shed light on some of the most pressing issues of our time. Overall, there is an agreement on the existence of the social entity of the “majority group,” although less on the criteria to identify a majority. Some interesting disagreements are found on the empirical question – whether the majority culture is indeed “needy” (how much, in which field, etc.) – and on the normative question: whether a culturally needy majority should be granted a right to defend its constitutional identity in the immigration context.
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Costica Dumbrava
Concerns about national, cultural and demographic preservation have become increasingly salient in the age of migrations and globalisation. Liav Orgad fittingly points to recent political reactions to the influx of refugees in Europe and to broader trends towards relinking citizenship and migration policies with concerns about national identity and cultural integration. He is right to complain about the reluctance among political theorists to engage systematically with these developments. I fully agree with Orgad that ignoring these issues is both “theoretically wrong” and “politically unwise”. However, I disagree that majorities have special majority rights that can be defended on the same normative basis as minority rights. I argue that if a current majority group is worried about its rights, it should genuinely support minority rights in anticipation of its future minority status.
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David Abraham
Liav Orgad’s new book, The Cultural Defense of Nations, could hardly have appeared at a more opportune moment. It represents a systematic effort to grapple with the core issues of national identity so much on the agenda of both the classical and new lands of immigration. It seeks to do so within the framework of liberal political and social theory while turning our sympathies toward majority cultures facing the “threat” of lost identity and dominance, a loss being brought about by both immigration and the multiculturalist policies of the past generation.
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David Owen
There is little doubt that the contemporary rise of populist forms of politics, especially those of the right, have targeted immigration as a key issue – and, more generally, political parties of left and right have responded to, and often stoked, perceived public concerns (however ill-founded) concerning immigration through efforts designed to highlight and demarcate the privileges of citizenship. In his timely response to this phenomenon, Liav Orgad aims to offer an account of majority rights that is, he thinks, missing from contemporary political theory and that can differentiate justifiable and unjustifiable ways in which the majority culture can defend its dominant standing and, hence, the rights it should (and should not) possess.
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Paul Blokker
Liav Orgad’s idea of a two-stage process of the regulation of immigration and access to citizenship in The Cultural Defense of Nations appears sensible and on first sight largely agreeable. But a more careful positioning of the argument regarding democratic theory and sociological understandings of nationalism brings out aspects that problematize some of its key assumptions and that reveal a risk of counter-productivity. In this, the argument might be less original than claimed and the specific version of a liberal theory of cultural defense less fit for socio-culturally complex democratic societies, in particular within the European context. I will briefly touch upon three dimensions that seem to me problematic: the notions of majority culture and cultural defense; the notion of constitutional identity as used in the book; and the problem of constitutional populism.
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Randall Hansen
Over the last several decades, a burgeoning literature on minority rights and minority accommodation has emerged. The rights of the ‘majority’ – everyone else – have garnered little interest because scholars have assumed that they will take care of themselves. In this excellent book, Liav Orgad argues that large-scale immigration to Europe and North America has rendered this assumption false. Immigration, above all to North America, is of course not new, but the overall numbers today are greater than in the past, and it is occurring in a new context of globalization, transnationalism (migrants live half their lives or more in their home countries), and radically new technology (which allows one to live in a Twitter/Facebook-/YouTube world entirely in one’s home country language).
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Alexander Yakobson
How would Denmark react to a wave of mass immigration from Germany, numbering hundreds of thousands or millions of people? The question is, needles to say, purely hypothetical, but it is nevertheless, in my view, highly pertinent in the context of discussing the issues raised in Liav Orgad’s important book, The Cultural Defense of Nations. These questions are at the very heart of Europe’s present concerns and dilemmas, which makes the book’s highly original, learned and well-argued contribution to the debate all the more valuable.
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George P. Fletcher
When I first wrote about linguistic self-defense (discussed in Liav Orgad’s book pp. 198-200) I had a conception of languages in danger, The most visible potential victim were the French in Quebec. But with the help of Charles de Gaulle, the Quebecois have held on well to their culture (majority at home, minority at large, but supported by a large nation in Europe). One form of linguistic self-defense I proposed at the time was insisting on speaking your language in commercial transactions. For the sake of profit, store keepers would play along. Also, public advertising is a critical mode of making a language seem like the background state of normalcy. The key case in Quebec, as I recall, was called Chaussures Brown Shoes. That was the way they wanted their sign to read. The Anglophones objected and lost.
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Eric Kaufmann
Liav Orgad writes convincingly that the issue of cultural rights for majorities has been thrust into view by immigration. No longer can a white French or German person think of her ethnic identity and national identity as one and the same. In the introduction to Rethinking Ethnicity: majority groups and dominant minorities (2004), and again in Political Demography (2012), I argue that migration and differential ethnic birth rates are driving a wedge between the ethnic majority and ‘its’ nation-state.
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Christian Joppke
Liav Orgad (2015) has written an admirably sensitive and learned book about besieged “majorities” in a world of global mobility and flux, especially that consisting of or conditioned by people moving across borders. It opens up an entirely new, dearly needed conversation on whether we need the concept of “majority”, which hitherto has remained legally and normatively uncharted. But is there really a case for a “liberal theory of majority rights”, analogous to a liberal theory of minority rights, both wishing to protect “personal identity and personal autonomy” (lead text, in the following “lt”)? Orgad has the right instinct that the care of the majority should not be left to the populist right but taken serious by liberals and the political mainstream. But the notion of a “distinctive cultural majority” (lt), which he presents as “the inevitable outcome of multiculturalism”, rests on an unreconstructed notion of multiculturalism; and at close inspection, much as the case for liberal minority rights, the case for distinct majority rights dissolves into a case for universal individual rights that liberal state constitutions already provide.
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Liav Orgad
Are Poland and Hungary justified, under international law or EU law, in restricting migration to defend their “Christian heritage”? How about the so-called “European way of life” or their “constitutional identity”? More generally, can a liberal democracy restrict immigration and/or access to citizenship in order to protect the "majority culture” and still remain liberal? Cultural defense policies are mushrooming in Europe, as refugees and migrants from Africa, Central Asia and the Middle East many of them Muslims keep coming to our shores in unprecedented numbers. Can the “cultural defense” of majorities be reconciled with liberal values and, if so, how?
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Daniel Sarmiento
The overall message looks puzzling. First, privacy is a super-fundamental right that reigns supreme above all other rights after the Court’s decision in Schrems. Second, national electoral rules governing the right to vote in elections to the European Parliament come under the scope of application of the Charter, but Member States can restrict such a right as long they do so in a proportionate way, says the Court in Delvigne. And third, illegal immigrants who have already been ordered to abandon the territory of the EU can be subject to criminal prosecution if they ever return, according to the Court in Celaj. In sum, Privacy is a super-fundamental right. The right to vote is quite super, but not as much. The rights to liberty and free movement are not super at all, at least when they concern third country nationals. Is this the kind of case-law one would expect from a fundamental rights court? Does this make any sense at all? Maybe it does.
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Franz C. Mayer
Just like Star Wars, the "Solange" saga about German constitutional order’s approach to fundamental rights protection in the context of European integration appeared as a story told and settled. But now there are rumours that in Germany Solange Episode III is in the making, with a release date around 2016. The ECJ’s Schrems decision will bring some turmoil to the Solange Episode III production in Germany.
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Gero Ziegenhorn, Katharina von Heckel
In Schrems the CJEU has declared the Safe-Harbor-Decision of the European Commission invalid whilst strengthening the EU fundamental rights. The Court has done so with astonishing clarity. Although the matter is about Facebook Ireland’s transfer of data to servers of Facebook, Inc. in the U.S., it, ironically, will not be Facebook but companies of the European “old economy” that will have to face severe consequences in the aftermath of this landmark judgement. In many cases of every day data processing in the business world, the consent of data subjects will be impossible to obtain. It is at the same time nearly impossible to prevent data to be transferred outside the EU. Hence, a vast number of data processing operations which were lawful before Schrems are now illegal.
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Bilyana Petkova
By and large the possibility of challenging mass surveillance worldwide can be strengthened by two factors. Perhaps counter-intuitively, the first should be the support of the business community. The second is democracy.
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Orla Lynskey
The Schrems judgment of the ECJ has implications for the viability of the commercial practices of Internet giants (and minions), for the legality of state surveillance practices and for the future sustainability of an Internet that is global rather than parochial. It is thus not surprising that the Court of Justice of the EU delivered its judgment only one week after the Opinion of the Advocate General and that this judgment has attracted so much academic and media attention, including through the existing commentary on this blog. In adding to this commentary, I shall not rehash the well-versed facts but shall focus on three points which I found striking.
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Christina Eckes, Vigjilenca Abazi
On Tuesday, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union declared the Commission’s US Safe Harbour Decision invalid. The Court’s ruling in Case C-362/14 of the Austrian Internet activist Maximillian Schrems v the Irish Data Protection Commissioner is a milestone in the protection of European fundamental rights, but it also preserves space for different national supervisory standards and national discretion on whether data may actually be transferred. Is the ruling opening the way for a patchwork of national data protection? How does this ruling influence the TTIP negotiations?
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Christopher Kuner
The judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner (Case C-362/14) is a landmark in EU data protection law, but one about which I have serious misgivings. While I share the Court’s concern regarding the surveillance practices of the US government (and other governments for that matter) and some of its criticisms of the EU-US Safe Harbor Arrangement, I take exception to its lack of interest in the practical effects of the judgment and the global context in which EU law must operate.
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Martin Scheinin
What is remarkable in the CJEU's Schrems decision is that a) the Court actually identified the intrusion in question as falling under the notion of the essence of privacy – something the European Court of Human Rights has never done under the privacy provision of ECHR Article 8, and b) the identification of an intrusion as compromising the essence of privacy meant that there was no need for a proportionality assessment under Article 52 (1.2) of the Charter. For these reasons, the Max Schrems judgment is a pathbreaking development, a major contribution to the understanding of the structure and legal effect of fundamental rights under the Charter.
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Russell A. Miller
We might celebrate the Court’s decision in Case C-362/14 as an improbable victory of good (data-privacy) over evil (consumer and intelligence data abuses). But I want to offer some words of caution about god-like judicial power.
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Elspeth Guild
Why are we surprised that asylum seekers will go to great efforts to arrive somewhere where they have a chance of decent reception conditions rather than being forced to live on the street or locked up in horrific detention centres? Clearly good quality first reception is the key to equitable distribution of asylum seekers. Until there are good quality reception facilities available in all Member States there is no point even addressing the question of responsibility sharing.
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Diana Wallis
It is great to see this debate on the EU justice deficit. To me this debate goes to the fundamental issue of legitimacy, with which the EU continues to grapple. However I have one regret, which relates to the lack of attention devoted to the European Union's justice deficit in the area of civil and private law. All of us enter into private law obligations throughout our lives, making small contracts, buying property, inheriting property, being involved in an accident; the list is endless. The justice or injustice consequences of these civil law interactions, in terms of the way in which these obligations operate, are construed and adjudicated upon which can dramatically impact individuals and society.
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Narine Ghazaryan
Although discussions on justice in Europe are not new, ’justice [...]
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Turkuler Isiksel
A legal order centered on the market, far from being vacant from a justice perspective, embodies a particular theory of justice: one that valorizes voluntary economic exchange for its conduciveness to peace, prosperity, and freedom. Whether commerce is, indeed, conducive to all of these things is another question.
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Petr Agha
The idea of Constitutionalism beyond the state perfectly matches the essentially non-political, economic arrangement that has clothed itself in political discourses of human rights, rule of law and democracy. The forms and procedures put forward by Kumm et.al. conceal the initial lack of substance and proximity with the life of Europeans and their daily dealings and the relations which the framework they were designed to merely formalize. The Union postulates the a-priori conditions of unity which do not dynamically (organically) emerge from within the heat of political life - unity appears as extraneous layers superimposed on the disarray of European communities. What remains, within the framework the European Union, is an expression without anything to express, devoid if not of meaning then of a connection to the sources of meaningfulness.
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Martijn van den Brink
The starting premise behind Europe’s Justice Deficit? is that we have to associate justice not only with the state, but also with sub- and supra-state entities. Considering the depth and breadth of European integration, the EU cannot escape our scrutiny; the EU is, as the editors remark, ‘clearly at the very least a potential agent of (in)justice’. One cannot but wholeheartedly agree with this starting assumption, but we should also acknowledge that it leaves a very important question unanswered: does the EU possess the same capacities for delivering (in)justices as other entities, in particular the state? Can we simply apply our justice vocabulary to the EU without even the slightest modicum of translation that takes into account the context within which the EU is situated? While it is not denied that the EU has the ability to deliver justice, it is suggested that there are limits to the EU’s justice capacities.
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Timofey Agarin
As the winds of populism blow across Europe, from the Algarve to Lapland and from the Irish to the Aegean Sea, it might be tempting to dismiss the return to nativism as a temporary and transitory vehicle of popular protest. However, as UKIP, Golden Dawn, Jobbik, the Sweden Democrats, Podemos, Syriza, Vlams Belang and True Finns all secure seats in local, regional, national and supranational assemblies, the questions mount about differential impact of the Euro crisis on comparative attractiveness of these political forces to national electorate over the idea of a unified and indeed just Europe. With populist parties advocating extremely diverse political agendas, they all reach out to their voters hushing them away from the political forces who have dominated the political scene during the years of plenty before the Euro crisis.
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Cathryn Costello
By enlisting transport companies in migration control, and denying visas to refugees, the EU is complicit in the grotesque scenes in the Mediterranean Sea: Those fleeing cannot board regular flights and ferries, for lack of visas and as carriers face sanctions if they allow them to board. We are willing to spend billions on rescue at sea, but not provide safe means of access to refugees. Those most in need, including those whose needs we would recognize by offering asylum, risk their lives to reach the relatively safety of the EU. Unjust? Unethical? Indecent? Cruel? All of these, surely.
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Justin Lindeboom
Recognising “justice” as inherently contestable, one might raise the more specific question what role the European Court of Justice has in (re)assuring justice in Europe, and whether the Court, insofar as it possesses a distinct role in that regard, succeeds in promoting justice. The avalanche of criticism at, amongst others, Laval, McCarthy, Dereci and, most recently, Dano, represents a deep belief that the European Court of Justice should not betray its name. In the knowledge that we fiercely disagree about what justice entails, however, it is not easy to substantiate the Court’s role and scope of responsibility.
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Guiliano Amato
The main obstacle nowadays to communities that are perceived as such is the level of inequality that we have reached in our societies. Tony Judt, before he died, wrote that I cannot perceive someone as a member of my community if the distance of my income to his is too big. Taxation is what we need and what we can use. But this requires something beyond of what Europe can do.
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Marija Bartl
If the economic advancement of the lender states is at least in part attributable to the access to the markets of the debtors, then the latter have a right to solidarity and political redistribution of economic benefits. Building solidarity – as a basis for political redistribution – in Europe from such premises would not be impossible: it is very much in contrast with the self-righteous attitude adopted by lender states today, and condoned by much of mainstream economic theory.
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Matthias Ruffert
Most of the short texts on the blurb praise the [...]
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Daniel Thym
The term justice is far too abstract to provide meaningful guidance on how to resolve specific legal questions. Normative ideals of justice are usually conceptualised, in contemporary constitutional law, in terms of human rights and countervailing public policy objectives. While I am, by and large, happy with the constitutional infrastructure of the EU, my outlook on the judicial practices of European Court of Justice is less optimistic.
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Pavlos Eleftheriadis
The Eurozone crisis has raised serious concerns about injustice in the distribution of resources, burdens and risks. The functioning of the Eurozone has had great unintended consequences. In the past five years five member states have needed assistance of one kind or another (Greece, Portugal, Ireland, Spain and Cyprus) and are going through painful adjustment. This shows that the problem is systemic, not particular to each one of them. The problems in the design of the Eurozone, which is not an ‘optimal currency union’ are well known.
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Lorenzo Zucca
It is high time to think of Europe as committed to a just society. This requires a fully-fledged ethical vision for Europe. It should be asking for more than political justice, which simply asks EU political institutions to correct the injustice produced by the market.
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Christian Joerges
My account on Europe's justice deficit will depart from a tension inherent to the project, and I will submit three groups of observations: The first one will deal with what we have experienced about the nature of “the economic”; with the use of this notion, I wish to insinuate an analogy to what we associate with “the social”; namely, the social embeddedness of the economy. The following observations are concerned with the distinction between justice within consolidated polities and justice between such polities. The third part of my story will ask, first, whether a synthesis of both concerns, i.e., of domestic and inter-European justice, is conceivable in principle - and then whether it is still available. After the crisis, this is the 1 million dollar question: How can the European project get back on track, regain legitimacy, rise from its ruins?
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov, , Andrew Williams
Let us face it: the EU affects the lives of many people in ways they perceive as profoundly unjust. Lives are dramatically affected by the policies of austerity, widely understood to be EU-imposed. With the Court of Justice appearing to stand for its own authority and EU autonomy at any cost; with migrants attempting to reach fortress Europe and drowning en masse as the EU cuts back its rescue services; and with economic inequalities in the Member States reaching new heights, could it be that there is a justice deficit in Europe, exacerbated by the European Union? It has never been made abundantly clear whether the achievement of justice is among the EU’s objectives, thus leading to a sub-optimal legal-political reality. There is an urgent need to address the question of justice openly and without reservation, and not to permit nationalists and Eurosceptics to monopolize this debate.
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Leonie Vierck
My small contributing message to this debate is that nudging plays an important role in aid politics. Substantially, there are parallel debates going on, and you might find some of the insights useful by means of transferral. As this is a new and explorative debate, there might still be space for some inspiration from related fields.
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Christopher Unseld
Nudging does polarize, but it also challenges the conventional way German legal scholars imagine the world of law. Even though it is good intuition to be afraid of a totalitarian government of economic rationality, it would be wrong to defend our current logic of judicial proportionality against the nudging approach. Instead, we should embrace democratically supervised economic expertise within our regulatory framework, without giving up on the possibility of radical love and revolution.
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Niels Petersen
Emanuel Towfigh and Christian Traxler have asked why the nudging debate has arrived so late in the German legal discourse. They argue that this is due to a mixture of reasons related to legal culture and legal education. I agree with their analysis. So let me address one question that both authors do not touch. Why should lawyers deal with the question of nudging? Wouldn’t this rather be a task for psychologists or behavioral economists? Prima facie, there seems to be a lot in favor of leaving the discussion on nudges to social scientists. A nudge seeks to alter people’s behavior without restraining choices. In order to influence people’s behavior, however, you have to analyze behavioral patterns, which is impossible without empirical methods.
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Niels Petersen
Emanuel Towfigh und Christian Traxler fragen in ihrem Beitrag, warum die Debatte um „nudges“ so spät im deutschen rechtswissenschaftlichen Diskurs angekommen ist. Sie identifizieren dafür mehrere Gründe, die zum einen in der Rechtskultur, zum anderen in der rechtswissenschaftlichen Ausbildung verankert sind. Ich stimme ihren Ausführungen im Wesentlichen zu. Daher möchte ich den Blick auf einen anderen Aspekt legen, den sie in ihrem Beitrag nicht angesprochen haben: Warum sollten sich Juristen mit „nudges“ beschäftigen?
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Christopher Unseld
Nudging does polarize, but it also challenges the conventional way German legal scholars imagine the world of law. Even though it is good intuition to be afraid of a totalitarian government of economic rationality, it would be wrong to defend our current logic of judicial proportionality against the nudging approach. Instead, we should embrace democratically supervised economic expertise within our regulatory framework, without giving up on the possibility of radical love and revolution.
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Georgios Dimitropoulos
In a thought-provoking comment on the legitimacy of nudging, Towfigh and Traxler rightly point out that nudges have many facets. As a result, their legitimacy has to be judged case by case. Responding partly to Towfigh and Traxler and partly to the broader issue of the legitimacy of nudging, I want to distinguish between two aspects that are raised in the comment: firstly, public and legal legitimacy and secondly, legitimacy among legal professionals.
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Gunnar Folke Schuppert
If we take a look through the lens of administrative science we see two things: firstly, that the concept of nudging cannot rightfully claim to have any news value, and secondly, that it needs to be placed within the context of contemporary insights from the fields of controlling science and communication theory.
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Sabine Junginger
Although design thinking has become a buzzword in business and although human-centered design approaches are being explored in a range of public innovation labs concerned with developing and delivering citizen-centric policies and public services, nudging is rarely discussed for its design implications. What would such a discussion contribute and how may it help us focus on the potential benefits of a nudging approach? It would begin by questioning how nudging enhances or diminishes people’s abilities to take deliberate action or to make informed decisions.
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Georgios Dimitropoulos
In a thought-provoking comment on the legitimacy of nudging, Towfigh and Traxler rightly point out that nudges have many facets. As a result, their legitimacy has to be judged case by case. Responding partly to Towfigh and Traxler and partly to the broader issue of the legitimacy of nudging, I want to distinguish between two aspects that are raised in the comment: firstly, public and legal legitimacy and secondly, legitimacy among legal professionals.
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Gunnar Folke Schuppert
Setzt man die verwaltungswissenschaftliche Brille auf, so zeigen sich zwei Dinge: erstens, dass das Nudging-Konzept keinen Neuigkeitswert für sich beanspruchen kann und dass es – zweitens – in den Kontext zeitgemäßer steuerungswissenschaftlicher und kommunikationstheoretischer Einsichten gestellt werden muss.
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Emanuel V. Towfigh, Christian Traxler
Die Vorstellung, dass Regierungen auf „Nudges“ zurückgreifen, um Entscheidungen der Bürger zu beeinflussen, polarisiert, vor allem unter Juristen. Die einen betrachten diesen verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Ansatz als faszinierenden und attraktiven Weg der Politikgestaltung. Die Aussicht auf billige und sich gleichsam selbständig vollziehende Regulierungsinstrumente klingt gerade in finanziell harten Zeiten verlockend und lässt diese „sanften“ Interventionen als bestechende Alternative zu konventionellen Regulierungsmechanismen erscheinen. Andere hingegen beschwören die Gefahr eines überfürsorglichen Staates herauf, der mit „Psycho-Tricks“ seine Bürger manipuliert. Verglichen mit traditionellen Politikinstrumenten wie etwa Steuern sind Nudges eher hintergründige Regierungsaktivitäten, die nur schwer durch demokratische Prozesse zu kontrollieren sind und damit leicht außer Kontrolle geraten können. Obwohl eine starke Polarisierung im politischen Diskurs heutzutage nicht unüblich ist, lohnt es sich, die Hintergründe dieser emotional und leidenschaftlich geführten Kontroverse in den Blick zu nehmen.
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Daniel Halberstam
I enjoyed the exchange on my article providing a qualified constitutional defense of Opinion 2/13. I will not delve into a point-by-point rebuttal of the critics here. Instead, I shall make three quick points and end with a methodological challenge in the interest of moving forward.
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Marten Breuer
Opinion 2/13 is not about pluralism (and, indeed, not about the autonomy of Union law). It seeks to secure the ECJ’s last word in Convention matters. As such, it is an expression of power politics.
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Thomas Streinz
Daniel Halberstam’s “constitutional defense” of Opinion 2/13 is certainly thought-provoking, but it ultimately fails to convince. By taking on the seemingly impossible task of defending the indefensible, Daniel allows us to see more clearly what’s really wrong with the Court’s view. However, he mischaracterizes the Court’s many critics by alleging that “they rushed to embrace Strasbourg while forgetting about the constitutional dimension of EU governance along the way”. Criticism of Opinion 2/13 is grounded in more than amnesia about the distinctive character of EU constitutionalism. Rather, the true problem is precisely the Court’s interpretation of the EU’s constitutional order: it ignores the fact that accession is a constitutional requirement and engages in cherry-picking when it comes to the relationship between EU law and international law. To move accession forward, we need to unpack what I call the “autonomy paradox.”
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Risking further escalation of the rhetorical contest over a more catchy title, I would like to comment on Daniel Halberstam’s analysis of the ECJ’s Opinion 1/13 from a wider perspective. I would like to try to challenge the starting assumption which Daniel (and in fact also the commentators who were critical of the Opinion) makes – that the EU has a federal constitutional order, whose autonomy deserves the protection required by the ECJ. It is also because that no matter how much I find Daniel’s technical legal analysis insightful, I do not think the core issue concerns the doctrinal level.
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Andrew Duff
The Opinion is the latest manifestation of the historic tension in post-war Europe between federal and international law. This is important unfinished business. Nobody can be complacent about the opening up of a gap between the human rights regime of the Council of Europe and the fundamental rights regime of the European Union. A fall-out between the ECtHR at Strasbourg and the CJEU at Luxembourg is a bad thing for European rights protection.
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Sionaidh Douglas-Scott
Halberstam is right to highlight the CJEU’s focus on autonomy. But in so doing so we are missing something far more important. Human rights are here the elephant in the room. Accession to a human rights treaty should not be primarily about the autonomy of the EU legal order. It should be primarily about how best to protect human rights.
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Walther Michl
Nobody can tell whether the Court wanted to say “no unless” or simply “no”. The path to accession is very obscure after Opinion 2/13 – so much so that it is unclear if any accession agreement at all would withstand the Court’s scrutiny next time.
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, Lucia Brieskova
Prof. Halberstam’s assessment of the Opinion 2/13 is based on the premise that the EU’s constitutional order is, as he put it, a “deep federal-type structure”. This federalist approach to Opinion 2/13 (and the autonomy of EU law) appears to be influenced by US constitutional experience and thinking. It neglects some important features of Europe's multi-layered human rights protection system as well as the EU's own constitutional order.
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Tobias Lock
I read Daniel Halberstam’s eloquent and erudite defence of Opinion 2/13 with great interest and I agree that (some of) the Court’s arguments can be rationally explained. What struck me about his piece, however, is that while it is centred on the concept of autonomy, he doesn’t seem to regard it necessary to provide us with a definition of it. In order to mount an effective defence of the Court’s position, it would have surely been a good starting point to defend the Court’s conception of autonomy as expressed in the Opinion.
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Daniel Halberstam
The Court of Justice of the European Union has arrived! Gone are the days of hagiography, when in the eyes of the academy the Court could do no wrong. The judicial darling, if there is one today, is Strasbourg not Luxembourg. Only hours after Opinion 2/13 struck down the Draft Agreement on EU Accession to the European Convention on Human Rights, scholars condemned the opinion as “exceptionally poor.” Critical voices mounted ever since, leading to nothing short of widespread “outrage.”
I disagree with the critics. In my legal analysis and constitutional reconstruction the Court’s concerns are mostly warranted. I also identify the changes that must be – and reasonably can be – made to move accession forward. Finally, and in a twist of irony, I show that one of the Court’s greatest concerns – mutual trust – goes to the very survival of the Union and demands not an exemption, but full accession.
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Ilya Levin, Michael Schwarz
As part of Verfassungsblog’s topical focus on the prevailing tensions between international and national constitutional law, we go east and take a look at Russia and its unsteady relationship with the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) – particularly the lately arisen tensions between the Russian Constitutional Court (CCR) and Strasbourg in the wake of the ECtHR’s decision in the Markin case. First, and in a more general manner, we briefly review the theories conceptualizing the relationship between domestic and international law, which traditionally go by the names of monism and dualism. In doing so, we do not miss the point that, as national constitutional practice in a variety of member states of the ECHR shows, conceptual clarity in terms of commitment to one or the other grand theory is often blurred, if not contradicted (I.). Clearly, Russia is no exception (II.). The Markin case marks a turning point in the relationship between the CCR and the ECtHR as Strasbourg, for the first time, overruled a decision of the CCR, which spurred a heated constitutional debate. The repercussions are yet to be seen (III.).
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Mark Speich,
Welcome remarks by Mark Speich (Vodafone Stiftung Deutschland) and Christoph Möllers (HU Berlin, Verfassungsblog).
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Cass Sunstein,
Cass Sunstein's key note lecture in the BBAW Leibniz Hall, Berlin 2015 Jan 12th.
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Alberto Alemanno
Europe has largely been absent from the US-dominated debate surrounding the introduction of nudge-type interventions in policy-making. As the EU and its Member States are exploring the possibility of embracing nudging, it appears desirable to reframe such a debate so as to adapt it to the legal and political realities of the European Union.
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Christoph Engel
In three respects, behaviorally informed governance faces much deeper uncertainty [...]
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The concept of materiality – in the EU known as [...]
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Robert Neumann
While the general approach of choice architecture of altering the [...]
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Martin Eifert
Nudging is about effective solutions for social problems and a parallel case to other regulatory approaches. It fits into the tradition of rational policy-making. It requires a political decision on whether or not nudging should be chosen as an instrument to remedy the social costs entailed with risky behavior. And from a legal point of view it has to be reviewed whether the measure chosen is not a disproportionate loss of freedom for the individual. This requires balancing the interests. As nudging is a matter of politics we have to discuss it in the political arena.
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Oren Bar-Gill
Disclosure mandates are often considered to be the least paternalistic of all regulatory techniques. Indeed, information provision is believed to enhance both autonomy and efficiency by facilitating more informed decisionmaking. According to this traditional approach, disclosure regulation – a key instrument in the Nudge toolbox – is beyond reproach. Legitimacy concerns might be raised with respect to other Nudge-type interventions (specifically, the setting of default rules), but not disclosure. I propose a two-pronged challenge to this conventional wisdom.
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Uwe Volkmann
Liberal political philosophy has two alternative options in principle: It can either stick to its original theorems such as the harm principle or the separation of law and morals and from here try to prove large parts of present social and political reality as wrong, illegitimate, dangerous etc. The other option is trying to adjust the original theorems to the apparent needs of modern societies, which is what I would prefer in the long run.
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Three theses on the justification and moral problems of soft paternalism.
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Johanna Wolff
The German basic law’s concept of constitutional liberties is difficult to reconcile with an idea of citizens who need to be told by the state what is better for them. Insofar as nudges and incentives affect fundamental rights, the government has to invoke public interests and cannot justify its measures on grounds of the assumed interests of the addressees.
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Christopher McCrudden
Cass Sunstein’s "Why Nudge?" presents a proposal for nudging as an alternative to traditional regulatory mandates and economic incentive-based regulation. I shall suggest that nudging creates considerable tensions with thick conceptions of human dignity.
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Jeff King
Now as ever, I agree with Cass Sunstein’s views on many matters. I above all agree that nudging is compatible with any defensible liberal idea of autonomy, and especially with the undeniable claim that nudges can often enhance autonomy in the empire of caveat emptor. Indeed, my concern is that libertarian paternalism is too libertarian, not too paternalistic.
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Politically as well as from the point of view of constitutional law, I see neither good reasons to generally reject health-related nudging towards less self-damaging behavior, nor good reasons to issue a general clearance certificate on the grounds that nudging always leaves the addressee “at liberty”. The state is not prohibited from taking sides in matters of public health – neither generally, nor specifically insofar as self-damaging behavior of accountable persons is concerned. However, claiming that people who are just being nudged remain free to resist the nudge falls far short of the constitutional law problems that nudges can raise.
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Cass Sunstein
The last decade has seen a rapid growth of interest in choice-preserving, low-cost regulatory tools, sometimes termed "nudges." Especially in light of that interest, it is important to obtain an understanding of the nature and weight of the ethical concerns.
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Oreste Pollicino
You founded Diritti Comparati in 2010. What motivated you to [...]
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Martin Scheinin
The academic response to CJEU Opinion 2/13 on EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights can be characterised as a combination of shock, disbelief and protest. Indeed, the Opinion looks like total overkill, as the grounds for rejecting the draft accession agreement are so many and so diverse that they unavoidably give the impression of being primarily based on a defensive and territorial attitude of protecting the exclusive and superior nature of the CJEU’s own jurisdiction. That said, the critical discussion on Opinion 2/13 should include a search for rational explanations as to why the CJEU’s opinion is negative, even if in the extreme. What follows is a short reflection on three factors towards that kind of an approach, without any intention to defend the Opinion itself.
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Sionaidh Douglas-Scott
On 18 December 2014, the ECJ delivered its long awaited Opinion 2/13 on the compatibility with EU law of the draft agreement for EU accession to the ECHR. The ECJ concluded, to the great surprise of many, that the accession agreement is not compatible with EU law. Indeed it found so many obstacles with the agreement that it has now rendered accession very difficult, if not impossible.
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Walther Michl
Opinion 2/13 has already spurred outrage throughout the blogosphere. I concur with the statements published on this site: none of the Court’s arguments is compelling, some can be attributed to its exaggerated cautiousness, some, however, are utterly ill-founded. My contribution will focus on the ECJ’s statements under the caption ‘The specific characteristics and the autonomy of EU law’ (starting at marginal number 179) which I consider to be those with the most glaring blunders and misapprehensions.
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Anne Peters
The Italian Constiutional Court’s decision no. 238 of 22 Oct. 2014 (unofficial [...]
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Leonard F.M. Besselink
The Court’s Opinion on the accession of the EU to the European Convention on Human Rights may have shattered expectations. The revised accession agreement that was renegotiated by the EU and its Member States with the State Parties to the ECHR, after an initial rejection in the Council by the UK and France, has been dodged by the Court. Tobias Lock in his very fast and intelligent comment answered that question by stating that ‘[i]t is clear that the drafters of the DAA will have to return to the negotiating table’. I respectfully disagree.
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Mattias Wendel
So viel scheint sicher: Der 18. Dezember 2014 wird nicht als Ruhmestag europäischen Menschenrechtsschutzes in die Geschichte eingehen. In ungewöhnlich rigoroser Weise hat der EuGH dem Beitritt der Union zur EMRK einen Riegel vorgeschoben und sich hinter einem Bollwerk unionaler Autonomie verschanzt. Es entsteht das Bild eines Gerichtshofes, der seine Kontrollkompetenzen argwöhnisch und unnachgiebig selbst gegenüber einem externen Menschenrechtsorgan abzuschirmen versucht und einen Zugriff desselben selbst dort glaubt verhindern zu müssen, wo sein eigener Arm nicht hinreicht. Dabei scheint der Gerichtshof billigend in Kauf zu nehmen, den primärrechtlich vorgegebenen Beitritt der Union abermals über einen längeren Zeitraum hinweg zu blockieren und die menschenrechtliche Glaubwürdigkeit der Union extern wie intern zu beschädigen.
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Tobias Lock
Heute hat der EuGH die Frage der Europäischen Kommission „Ist der Entwurf des Vertrags über den Beitritt der Europäischen Union zur Konvention zum Schutz der Menschenrechte und Grundfreiheiten mit den Verträgen vereinbar?“ mit einem klaren „Nein“ beantwortet (Guachten 2/13). Diese Antwort ist für viele wohl überraschend, nicht zuletzt für diejenigen, die an der Verfassung des Entwurfs des Beitrittsübereinkommens (ÜE) beteiligt waren. Deren Ziel ein Übereinkommen zu hervorzubringen, das die verfassungsrechtlichen Vorgaben des Unionsrechts mit dem EMRK-System vereinbart, wurde klar nicht erreicht. Nachdem der EuGH einen früheren Versuch eines Beitritts als mit den Verträgen unvereinbar angehesehen hatte (Gutachten 2/94), hat er es nun wieder getan. Er hat damit seinen Widerwillen bestätigt, die Unionsrechtsordnung (und insbesondere seine eigenen Urteile) einer externen Prüfung durch den EGMR zu unterwerfen. Der EuGH nahm an nahezu jedem Gesichtspunkt des ÜE, inklusive dessen Hauptbestandteilen, dem Mitbeschwerdegegnermechnismus und dem Verfahren zur Vorbefassung des Gerichtshofs, Anstoß.
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Robert Frau
Die Einbeziehung von Völkervertragsrecht in die deutsche Rechtsordnung läuft seit [...]
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Jannika Jahn
The ruling Conservative party of Prime Minister David Cameron published [...]
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Alexandra Kemmerer, , Gerhard Wagner, Maximilian Steinbeis
Is “nudging” – as outlined by Cass Sunstein and Richard H. Thaler in their controversial concept of libertarian paternalism – a modern and efficient tool of governance or a dangerous attack on freedom and individual autonomy? Legal, economic and other experts will discuss the political, ethical and constitutional ramifications of nudging in a two-day conference at Berlin, beginning with a public lecture delivered by Cass Sunstein.
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Nico Krisch
International courts seem to be living in hard times. The [...]
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Hans Michael Heinig
Ist Nudging – also die Steuerung individueller Entscheidungen im wohlverstandenen Interesse des Entscheidenden – nicht nur eine Frage des Könnens, sondern des Sollens? Cass Sunstein, einer der Protagonisten der Nudging-Debatte, war letzte Woche bei einer Veranstaltung des Bundesjustizministeriums zu Gast. Doch die Frage nach der Rechtfertigung von Nudging tauchte kaum auf. Antworten wird hoffentlich die Nudging-Konferenz des Verfassungsblogs im Januar liefern.
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Hans Michael Heinig
Is nudging – the act of pushing someone in a certain direction in his or her own interest – not just a matter of "could" but of "should"? Cass Sunstein, one of the protagonists of the nudging debate, spoke last week at a conference held by the Federal Department of Justice. The question of the legitimacy of nudging hardly mattered at that conference, though – a question that will be hopefully addressed more comprehensively at the Verfassungsblog Nudging conference in January.
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Filippo Fontanelli
This symposium invites reflections on the intercourse between national courts [...]
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In a recent judgement (discussed here and here), the Italian [...]
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Koen Lenaerts,
In unserem Symposium diskutieren wir derzeit über Spannungen zwischen Völkerrecht [...]
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Astrid Epiney
In der Schweiz wird in jüngerer Zeit das Verhältnis von [...]
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, Raffaela Kunz, Dana Schmalz
Das Urteil des italienischen Verfassungsgerichts vom 22. Oktober 2014 bildet [...]
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, Raffaela Kunz, Dana Schmalz
The judgment by the Italian Constitutional Court of 22 October [...]
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Jelena von Achenbach
To constitute a democratic order based on freedom and equality, the political system of a society needs to reflect its complexity. Processes of collective decision-making need to allow for the political expression of societal differentiation and diversity. Bicameralism is a crucial mechanism in this regard. Most basically, bicameralism means a diversification of political institutions. It establishes yet another layer of structural complexity within the legislative branch and the actual law-making procedure. It diffuses and decentres legislative power. Bicameral decision-making tends to articulate conflict rather than consensus. It allows for expressing certain aspects of political pluralism and disagreement. Although or maybe because bicameralism aims for legislation to be grounded in a more inclusive, comprehensive political consensus, bicameral decision-making tends to articulate conflict rather than accord. It therefore is of some intrinsic value and justification in societies that are internally heterogeneous and organized in politically self-governing sub-entities.
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Antonia Baraggia
Italy's unique "perfect bicameralism" has often been criticized for its inefficiency. The latest attempt to reform it, brought forward by Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, is still debated in parliament. The destiny of the Italian bicameralism and the resolution of the Italian oxymoron lies on the thin line of the agreement between the main political forces, which seems quite frail and uncertain at the moment.
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Nicholas Aroney, William Isdale
As outposts of the British Empire, the various state parliaments of Australia, and New Zealand as a whole, inherited the Westminster system of government with an elected lower house, in which government is formed, and an unelected house of review. In little under two hundred years, these parliaments have undergone a range of reforms, including democratisation of their upper houses. Two jurisdictions, however, took bolder steps: the Australian state of Queensland, and New Zealand, both demolished their upper houses entirely – with mixed results, at best.
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Caroline van Wynsberghe
The Belgian Senate has just emerged from a major State reform which has significantly reduced its competences. The absence of a federal political culture and the presence of a very strong party system make it hard for the Second Chamber to find a proper role in the political system of Belgium.
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Johannes Saurer
In times of small coalitions the face of bicameralism in Germany oftentimes expresses conflict and stalemate. On the other hand, there is the very different face of bicameralism in times of grand coalitions. These two alternating faces of German bicameralism result from a particular historical decision on constitutional design.
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Eoin Carolan
When the current Government proposed its abolition in a referendum in 2013, perhaps the most notable feature of the debate was the consensus on all sides that there is little, if any, justification for the retention of the Seanad in its current form. In a result that contradicted pre-referendum opinion polls, voters rejected the proposed abolition. Given the widespread agreement during the campaign about the inadequacy of the current institution, attention naturally turned to the question of how the Seanad might be reformed.
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Dawn Oliver
The UK does not have a supreme court with power to strike down laws that are contrary to the constitution, human rights and so on. Instead the system relies heavily on intra-parliamentary mechanisms, operating in the House of Lords. While the current unelected composition of the Lords is controversial and difficult to justify rationally, it is widely agreed across the political spectrum that the Chamber discharges its functions in legislative scrutiny and examination of public polices well.
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Hoi Kong, Kate Glover
The framers of Canada’s Constitution had a vision for the Senate as a complementary, deliberative body bringing regional perspectives to national issues and genuine powers of oversight and sober second thought. It is widely agreed, though, that the Senate’s constitutional configuration stains Canada’s public institutions. The Senate needs change, but the impulse to reform is stifled by the reluctance of officials to open the constitutional amending formula.
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Johannes Bethge
Parliamentary second chambers are a common, yet peculiar feature of constitutions worldwide. Their diversity of design and the assorted roles they play in majoritarian democracies are reason enough for a comparative analysis, but there is more: Bicameralism – and its discontents – is in the air. Countries within and outside of Europe have recently made attempts to reform or abolish their respective upper houses. We have asked distinguished scholars from all of these nations to provide us with accounts of the debates in their countries.
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Sionaidh Douglas-Scott
Is the ‘spectre of disintegration’ haunting Europe? Joseph Weiler fears that it is, and that, were an independent Scotland to be admitted as an EU state, this would lead to a domino effect whereby others would demand independence within the EU – testimony of an atavistic, retrogressive mentality, and adverse to the EU’s raison d’etre. This is a strongly put view, and not all will agree with it. Nonetheless, most of the papers in this highly stimulating symposium address, albeit in very different ways, the concern that lies at the base of Weiler’s argument – namely, the character of the EU, the nature of its values, its very reason for being. They also address the more workaday, but nonetheless critical, legal and practical issues that an independent Scotland’s membership pose.
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Christophe Hillion
Like many participants in this stimulating symposium, I am in agreement with several of Sionaidh Douglas-Scott’s contentions. But like some others, I am less persuaded by one of her conclusions: namely, that a treaty revision based on Article 48 TEU would suffice to codify an independent Scotland’s membership in the EU. While admittedly unprecedented, such a situation could not in itself warrant a complete disregard of EU membership rules, eg Article 49 TEU. As part of ‘the particular constitution and rules of the EU’, they should instead be applied, given their specific function in the treaties, albeit in a ‘pragmatic and purposive fashion’ in consideration of the existing and future ties between Scotland and the EU.
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Carlos Closa Montero
No one disagrees that an independent Scotland qualifies for EU membership and that it would no doubt become an EU member state. Why then is there so much normative argument around “seamless transition”? It may or may not happen and, should it come it pass, I believe that it may be a good thing, albeit that I fail to see a “normative” case which supports it. Why should third parties guarantee to a self-determining self that its constitutive decision will be costless regardless of any other consideration? This would deprive citizenship of an essential responsibility for decisions taken which I consider indispensable to democracy.
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Neil Walker
The presence of the EU both offers a spur to new projects of national sovereignty but also, and in my view more emphatically, it supplies a set of considerations which makes the project of new statehood less pressing, less consequential, and provided we can trust in continuing UK membership of a continuing EU (both of which statuses, of course, need careful attention) less relevant and ultimately unnecessary.
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Stephen Tierney
I agree with Sionaidh that the accession of an independent Scotland to the European Union is not in any serious doubt. I develop this point in a paper written with Katie Boyle here. In this blog I argue that although accession will no doubt take time, there is unlikely to be any period within which Scotland is effectively cast out of the EU. More speculatively I would like to ask whether there might in fact a duty on the part of the EU to negotiate Scotland’s membership, and whether the Secession Reference to the Supreme Court of Canada may provide an interesting analogy supportive of this argument.
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov
the Union cannot be possibly expected to throw its weight behind ensuring that there is no choice for the nations seeking independence within Europe – it is not the Union’s realm. The contrary would amount to turning the EU into an instrument of blackmail of the emerging states by the existing state entities which is radically deprived of any purpose and is in strong contradiction with the values of democracy and the rule of law which the Union espouses.
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Bruno de Witte
Whereas the Article 48 route has major advantages over the Article 49 route, and would be feasible – in my view at least – as a matter of legal principle, it would create many complications all the same, both for the Scots and for the rest of Europe.
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Michael Keating
To suggest that a nation that has followed the Scottish route should not be allowed into the European family while others with more dubious pedigrees are, would violate basic democratic principles. Effectively, Scotland would be expelled from the union for exercising a widely-recognized democratic right.
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Kalypso Nicolaidis
With the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU formalised and entrenched a right of exit (article 50) which is at the heart of its nature as a polity: the peoples of Europe have come together and will remain together by choice, not under duress. In the same way as the exit clause proclaims loudly and clearly that EU member states and their citizens remain in the EU by choice, leaving the EU should be a collective choice too. It should not be a choice inferred from another choice, that of one part of a country to leave the whole.
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Piet Eeckhout
Constitutional, doctrinal and practical reasons why the EU has to negotiate after a Yes referendum.
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Jo Eric Khushal Murkens
Sionaidh Douglas-Scott’s reliance on Article 48 is far from persuasive on technical legal grounds (is it the correct legal basis to accommodate a new Member State?) as well as for strategic reasons (the negotiation process may well be dominated by the UK’s negotiating team pursuing its own agenda). But even if an independent Scotland’s continued membership in the EU were ‘smooth and straightforward’, Douglas-Scott provides no answer to the question as to what kind of member an independent Scotland would be.
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Joseph H.H. Weiler
It would be hugely ironic if the prospect of Membership in the Union ended up providing an incentive for an ethos of political disintegration. In seeking separation Scotland would be betraying the very ideals of solidarity and human integration for which Europe stands.
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Sionaidh Douglas-Scott
The comments below focus on the importance of an EU perspective on an independent Scotland’s EU membership, highlighting the EU as a distinctive, sui generis and new type of legal organisation. They argue that a strong case can be made for Scotland’s continued EU membership on the basis of EU law itself.
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Obama hat es getan, Cameron hat es getan, und jetzt [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Obama did it, Cameron too, and now Germany seems determined [...]
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Stefan Grundmann
The German Council of Sciences and Humanities calls for an [...]
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Christian Djeffal
‘In the beginning was the word, the commentary followed swiftly…’ This wisecrack applies to many academic disciplines and it certainly applies to German legal academia. There are great many commentaries. As the Wissenschaftsrat very closely observed the practices of German legal academia, it also inquired into the genre of commentaries. What was there to say?
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Stefan Grundmann
Der Wissenschaftsrat ruft in seinem Gutachten zu den “Perspektiven der Rechtswissenschaft in Deutschland” dazu auf, die Rechtswissenschaft sowohl international als auch mit Blick auf die Nachbarwissenschaften zu öffnen. Beide Forderungen verdienen dann Unterstützung, wenn sie als Weiterentwicklung, nicht als revolutionäre Forderung zum Umsturz des bestehenden Systems verstanden werden.
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Jack Balkin, , Maximilian Steinbeis
Jack Balkin, professor of constitutional law at Yale University and founder of one of the most widely read blogs on constitutional law in the US, talks about what it means to run a scholarly blog.
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Markus Krajewski
Ein kurzer Blick zurück: Die öffentlich und medial aufgeladene Kritik an einem Investitionsschutzkapitel einschließlich der Möglichkeit von Investor-Staat-Streitbeilegung im TTIP führte dazu, dass sich die Kommission am 21. Januar 2014 dazu genötigt sah, eine öffentliche Konsultation zu diesem Thema durchzuführen. Auf meine Frage, warum die Konsultation nur zu diesem und nicht zu anderen strittigen Themen wie Dienstleistungsliberalisierung und regulatorische Kooperation durchgeführt würde, antwortete ein Kommissionsbeamter aus dem TTIP-Verhandlungsteam: „Wir wurden dazu gezwungen“. Das bedeutet zweierlei: Erstes, von selbst hätte die Kommission diesen Schritt – trotz ihrer Beteuerungen, transparent zu verhandeln und alle Betroffenen ausreichend zu informieren – nicht unternommen. Zweitens, Konsultationen zu anderen Themen wird es nur geben, wenn die Öffentlichkeit sie vehement einfordert.
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Dana Schmalz
Wo enden die universellen Rechte? Das fragt Saskia Stucki in ihrem [...]
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Jochen von Bernstorff
Wenn jede Form der demokratischen Regulierung des Investitionsumfeldes zu einem potenziellen Haushaltsrisiko für den Gaststaat wird, weil er befürchten muss, von einem Investor vor einem privaten ad-hoc-Schiedsgericht auf Entschädigung verklagt zu werden, wirft dies fundamentale Fragen der demokratischen Selbstbestimmung und der innerstaatlichen Gewaltenteilung auf. Das über mehr als 3000 bilaterale Verträge inzwischen weltweit etablierte System der Investitionsschiedsgerichtsbarkeit geht über das ohne Zweifel berechtigte Anliegen von Investoren, wirkungsvoll gegen willkürliche Enteignungen geschützt zu werden, inzwischen weit hinaus. Ist die Schraube überdreht worden?
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Stephan Schill
Die Diskussionen um das Transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaftsabkommen (TTIP) zwischen der EU und den USA fokussieren häufig in erster Linie auf die konkrete Ausgestaltung der materiell-rechtlichen und prozessualen Regelungen des Investitionskapitels. Führt die Formulierung des Grundsatzes billiger und gerechter Behandlung zu einem angemessenen Ausgleich von Investoreninteressen und staatlichen Regulierungsinteressen? Schiedsgerichtsbarkeit: ja oder nein? Wird die Öffentlichkeit an Schiedsverfahren angemessen beteiligt? Werden Interessenkonflikte bei Schiedsrichtern effektiv verhindert? Ist die Behandlung der Verfahrenskosten adäquat? Weniger im Zentrum steht die Frage, an welchem Maßstab die künftige EU-Investitionsschutzpolitik zu messen ist und woran sich Reformbestrebungen im Investitionsrecht orientieren sollten. Geht es rein um außenwirtschaftliche Opportunität? Oder spielen nicht, wie im Folgenden argumentiert, Wertungen des Verfassungsrechts von Union und Mitgliedstaaten eine bedeutende Rolle?
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Peter-Tobias Stoll
Eine im Umfang einzigartige wechselseitige Investitionstätigkeit prägt seit Jahrzehnten die transatlantischen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen. Sie hat sich über die Jahre als wesentlich problemloser erwiesen als der Handel, der mit dem Vorhaben einer transatlantischen Handels- und Investitionsinitiative (TTIP) in vieler Hinsicht erleichtert werden kann. Das kann man von dem Investitionskapitel in dem jetzt verhandelten Abkommen kaum sagen.
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Axel Flessner
Die Verpflichtung der Staaten zur „gerechten und billigen Behandlung“ der Investitionen aus dem Ausland und die Unterwerfung des Staates unter Schiedsgerichte, die von den Investoren selbst angerufen werden und den Staat zu Entschädigungen verurteilen können, widerspricht mehrfach dem deutschen Grundgesetz. Sie bringen die demokratisch begründete Staatsgewalt unter Fremdbestimmung (1), verdrehen die Garantie des Rechtsweges (2), zwingen den Staat zur Ausländerprivilegierung und Inländerdiskriminierung (3) und enthalten eine Selbstermächtigung der Europäischen Union (EU), die dieser nach den EU-Verträgen nicht zusteht (4). Auch mit dem Verfassungsrecht anderer Staaten, namentlich dem der USA, dürften sie nicht vereinbar sein (5).
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Isabel Feichtner
This article is available only in German.
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Isabel Feichtner
Bevor wir einen „besseren“ Investitionsschutz und „besseres“ ISDS akzeptieren, sollten wir verstehen, warum wir dies tun. Bloße Verweise auf Grundrechte, Gleichgewicht und Rule of Law überzeugen mich nicht.
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Matej Avbelj
A view from Slovenia: Matej Avbelj on the "Spitzenkandidat" process and its possible implications for the legitimacy of the EU commission.
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Matej Avbelj
Ein Blick aus Slowenien: Matej Avbelj über den "Spitzenkandidatur"-Prozess und die Legitimation der künftigen EU-Kommission.
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Pasquale Pasquino
Fünf sehr kurze Antworten des New Yorker Verfassungstheoretikers Pasquale Pasquino auf unsere fünf Fragen zum Vorhaben der europäischen Parteien, Spitzenkandidaten für das Amt des Kommissionspräsidenten zu nominieren.Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process.
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Pasquale Pasquino
Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process.
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Marco Dani
Für die kommenden Europawahlen haben die meisten Parteien europäische Spitzenkandidaten nominiert, die im Fall ihres Wahlsiegs EU-Kommissionspräsident werden sollen. Wie deutsch ist diese Idee? Kann sie der europäischen Gesetzgebung mehr demokratische Legitimation verleihen? Wird sie die Machtbalance in der EU in Bezug auf die Mitgliedstaaten verändern? Diese und andere Fragen haben wir einer Reihe von Experten gestellt. Marco Dani von der Universität Trient war der erste, der geantwortet hat.
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Marco Dani
For the upcoming European elections, most European parties have nominated candidates for President of the EU Commission. In the Brussels jargon, this issue is called the „Spitzenkandidat process“. How German is this idea? Can it bestow more democratic legitimacy on the European law-making process? How will it affect the power balance in the EU with respect to the member states? We have asked these and other questions to a number of experts. The first to answer was Marco Dani from University of Trento.
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Juan Fernandez-Armesto, Justus von Daniels
Wie arbeiten internationale Schiedsgerichte? Wozu sind sie gut und wozu nicht? Juan Fernandez-Armesto war in mehr als 100 Fällen als Schiedsrichter in internationalen Wirtschaftsschiedsverfahren und Investoren-Staatsschiedsverfahren tätig. Im Interview mit Justus von Daniels gibt er Auskunft, wie diese wenig bekannten und doch immer einflussreicheren Gerichte funktionieren.
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Monika Polzin
Ich möchte mich in meinem Beitrag zur Bewertung des Investitionsschutzrechts im Rahmen des Transatlantischen Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaftsabkommens („TTIP“) dem bislang eher wenig beachteten Vorschlag der Kommission widmen, die Auslegungskompetenzen der Schiedsgerichte zu begrenzen (Frage 11 des Konsultationsdokuments). Die Kommission möchte Regelungen einführen, die es der EU (gemeinsam mit den USA) ermöglichen, auf die Auslegung der Investitionsschutzbestimmungen durch Schiedsgerichte einzuwirken. Die Kommission will durch solche Regelungen fehlerhaften Interpretationen der Investitionsschutzbestimmungen durch Schiedsgerichte entgegenwirken. Ist diese begrenzte Auslegungskompetenz der Schiedsgerichte nun der richtige Weg, Fehlurteile zu vermeiden und sicherzustellen, dass die Investitionsschutzbestimmungen stets im Einklang mit den Parteiwillen ausgelegt und so die regulatorischen Interessen der Staaten (aus Sicht der Vertragsparteien) ausreichend beachtet werden? Oder wird hier das „Kind mit dem Bade ausgeschüttet“ und die Unabhängigkeit der Schiedsgerichte so sehr eingeschränkt, dass faire Verfahren nicht mehr möglich sind?
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Monika Polzin
This article is available only in German.
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Steffen Hindelang
Since the 1970s, almost any bilateral and regional investment treaty has provided for investor-state dispute settlement (“ISDS”). Based on these agreements, foreign investors can commence international arbitration against their host states, claiming administrative, regulatory, or judicial measures are in violation of substantive investment protection standards.
At a global level rising numbers of investor-state disputes and newly signed investment agreements suggest the continuous importance and attractiveness of this dispute settlement mechanism. Yet, we also see contestations. A few countries did not renew or even terminated existing investment instruments. Others have withdrawn from the ICSID-Convention.
What does this mean for the European Union? Simply carrying on appears no sustainable option anymore. Since the 1970s, almost any bilateral and regional investment treaty has provided for investor-state dispute settlement (“ISDS”). Based on these agreements, foreign investors can commence international arbitration against their host states, claiming administrative, regulatory, or judicial measures are in violation of substantive investment protection standards.
At a global level rising numbers of investor-state disputes and newly signed investment agreements suggest the continuous importance and attractiveness of this dispute settlement mechanism. Yet, we also see contestations. A few countries did not renew or even terminated existing investment instruments. Others have withdrawn from the ICSID-Convention.
What does this mean for the European Union? Simply carrying on appears no sustainable option anymore.
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This article is available only in German.
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Eberhart Theuer
Ist „Person“ eine abgeschlossene rechtliche Kategorie, die außer dem Homo sapiens keiner weiteren Spezies mehr offen steht? Schon seit einigen Jahren empfehlen sich Schimpansen und andere Non-Homo-sapiens-Menschenaffen als mögliche Kandidaten. Der Diskurs um deren Rechtsstatus wird nicht nur de lege ferenda geführt. Und er ist nicht nur theoretisch.
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Charlotte Blattner
„Global Animal Law“ glänzte bis vor wenigen Jahren primär durch seine Absenz. Trotz der Tatsache, dass sich dieses Rechtsgebiet in statu nascendi befindet, vermochten die ReferentInnen des Panels bemerkenswert komplexes und packendes Wissen zu vermitteln. Der „Animal Turn“ wurde in diesem Panel nicht nur im klassischen Sinne als Wendepunkt aufgefasst, sondern ist als Ausgangspunkt einer ganz neuen Debatte zu verstehen.The "animal turn" in this panel was not only understood in its traditional sense as a turning point, but to some extent also as the starting point of completely new debates. Until few years ago, global animal law was notable primarily for its absence. Despite the fact that this field of law is still in its nascent state, the panelists successfully transmitted remarkably complex and thrilling knowledge.
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Amelie C. Buhl
Am 4. und 5. April kamen an der juristischen Fakultät der Universität Basel Rechtswissenschaftlerinnen und Rechtswissenschaftler und Vertreterinnen anderer Disziplinen zur ersten jährlichen europäischen Tierrechtskonferenz zusammen. Ein breiter interdisziplinärer Ansatz versprach den Animal Turn in the Law aufzugreifen. Am Anfang stand dabei die rechtsphilosophische Frage, wie sich das Thema Tiere im Recht zu der seit einigen Dekaden bestehenden Tierrechtefrage der Tierethikdiskussion verhält. Gibt es eine Mensch-Tier-Grenze? Wie betrachten wir eigentlich andere Tiere?On 4 and 5 April 2014 the first European Annual Animal Law Conference took place in Basel´s law faculty, Switzerland. The first panel involved the human animal boundary from a biological – philosophical approach, the second panel concerned global animal law, the third panel was called “Are animals the New Women?” and the fourth panel finally discussed ground-breaking cases in animal law.
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Anne Peters, Saskia Stucki, Livia Boscardin
After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.
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Anne Peters, Saskia Stucki, Livia Boscardin
After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.After the linguistic turn and the iconic turn, we have been witnessing an animal turn in the social sciences and the humanities. What do we mean by animal turn? We mean an increasing scholarly interest in animals, in the relationships between humans and other animals, and in the role and status of animals in (human) society. The animal turn is an academic focus on animals in new terms and under new premises.
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Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori
Our book on Eurozone Crisis has been reviewed and commented [...]
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Daniela Jaros
Kaarlo Tuori’s and Klaus Tuori’s account of the the Eurozone [...]
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Matthias Ruffert
The spectacular events that shook the European Economic and Monetary [...]
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Matthias Ruffert
The spectacular events that shook the European Economic and Monetary [...]
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Andromachi Georgosouli
The Eurozone Crisis: A Constitutional Analysis by Kaarlo and Klaus [...]
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Andromachi Georgosouli
The Eurozone Crisis: A Constitutional Analysis by Kaarlo and Klaus [...]
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Christian Joerges
“Die Wirtschaft ist das Schicksal” (the economy is our destiny) [...]
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Christian Joerges
“Die Wirtschaft ist das Schicksal” (the economy is our destiny) [...]
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Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori
Our book on the Eurozone crisis is built on two [...]
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Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori
Our book on the Eurozone crisis is built on two [...]
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Isabel Feichtner
Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori. The Eurozone Crisis. A Constitutional Analysis. [...]
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Isabel Feichtner
Kaarlo Tuori, Klaus Tuori. The Eurozone Crisis. A Constitutional Analysis. [...]
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Joris Larik
„Der Papst? Wie viele Divisionen hat der denn?“ Mit diesen Worten verhöhnte Josef Stalin im Jahre 1935 den Vatikan und sprach diesem somit jede außenpolitischer Beachtung aus Sicht der Sowjetunion ab. Heute, fast achtzig Jahre später, gibt es schon lange keine Sowjetunion mehr. Der Papst, seinerseits, herrscht auch weiterhin ohne die Hilfen von Panzerkolonnen im Vatikan und zieht regelmäßig Menschenmengen auf den Petersplatz in Rom oder auf seinen Auslandsreisen um die Welt an. Auch die EU hat keine Divisionen, wenn wir einmal von den kleinen und eher auf Papier ihr Dasein fristenden „Battle Groups“ absehen, und verschreibt sich einer Außenpolitik basiert auf ‚soft power’ und normativen Inhalten. Doch auch sie wird Putins Russland überdauern.‘The Pope? How many divisions has he got?’ With these scoffing words, Joseph Stalin dismissed in 1935 the Vatican as a factor of any significance for the Soviet Union and its foreign policy. Today, almost 80 years later, the Soviet Union is long gone. The Pope, on his part, continues to rule from the Vatican without the help of armored divisions and attracts on a regular basis vast crowds to St. Peter’s Square or on his trips abroad. The European Union does not have any divisions either, if we leave aside the small ‘battle groups’, which in any event exist to a greater extent on paper than on the ground. It, too, commits itself to a foreign policy based on ‘soft power’ and normative influence. And it, too, will outlast Putin’s Russia.
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Ilya Levin
Wie einst Lyndon B. Johnsohn behauptet die EU, in ihrer Außenpolitik auf die Eroberung der Herzen zu setzen. Sie positioniert sich als Wertegemeinschaft und transferiert und implementiert ihre (exklusiven und richtigen) Werte auch in die Welt, denn diese sind übertragungsfähig und befolgungswürdig, sie machen das Leben der Völker weltweit besser und die Missionare dieser Werte zu besseren Menschen. Dabei bleibt leider die Frage offen, ob diese Werte wirkungsvoll in der empirischen Realität einer höchst heterogenen Gesellschaft implementiert werden können. Like Lyndon B. Johnsohn, the EU claims to struggle with its foreign policy for the "hearts and minds" of people. It itself as a community of shared values that is exporting its (exclusive and universally valid) values to the entire world. This export is the “thing to do” because these European values (are likely to?) improve the living conditions of people worldwide and at the same time morally perfect the missionaries of the right. Still the question remains whether it is empirically possible to realise such noble ideas within the deeply heterogenous Ukranian enviroment.
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Niklas Helwig, Tuomas Iso-Markku
The current crisis has put the spotlight on a source of threat that already seemed forgotten in the European context: aggression against states on their own territory. Not just NATO, but also the EU has a clause in place, which specifically refers to cases in which one of the member states would fall victim to an armed attack. EU member states introduced the so called ‘mutual defence clause’ with the Lisbon Treaty as a carefully worded compromise. Since then, the clause has remained merely symbolic with little political, let alone operational, relevance. However, the current crisis raises the question whether the ‘mutual defence clause’ could receive new political or even practical significance in the development of Europe’s common security and defence policy.The current crisis has put the spotlight on a source of threat that already seemed forgotten in the European context: aggression against states on their own territory. Not just NATO, but also the EU has a clause in place, which specifically refers to cases in which one of the member states would fall victim to an armed attack. EU member states introduced the so called ‘mutual defence clause’ with the Lisbon Treaty as a carefully worded compromise. Since then, the clause has remained merely symbolic with little political, let alone operational, relevance. However, the current crisis raises the question whether the ‘mutual defence clause’ could receive new political or even practical significance in the development of Europe’s common security and defence policy.
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Silvia von Steinsdorff
Der größte Fehler der EU im Konflikt um die Ukraine besteht in der offensichtlichen Kurzsichtigkeit des eigenen Handelns. Gerade wenn damit zu rechnen war, dass Russland jeden Moment sein „wahres Gesicht“ zeigen und militärisch eingreifen würde, bleibt unverständlich, warum sich offenbar bislang niemand in der EU Gedanken über mögliche Reaktionen auf diesen worst case gemacht hat.
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Caroline von Gall
Demokratie, Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Menschenrechte sind Grundsätze, die die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik leiten sollen. Gleichwohl hat die EU in der Vergangenheit keine Strategien gefunden, die Ukraine bei der Umsetzung dieser Werte wirkungsvoll zu unterstützen. In der Zeit nach der Orangen Revolution wurde das Feld im Bereich der Verfassungskonsolidierung weitgehend dem Europarat überlassen. Stattdessen ließ sich die EU auf die Putinsche Logik der Integrationskonkurrenz ein. Will die EU aber ihre rechtsstaatlichen Ziele ernstnehmen, muss sie ihre Strategien zur Rechtstaatsentwicklung deutlich erweitern. The European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership and the EU’s negotiated Association Agreement with Ukraine are based on the joint undertaking to strengthen democracy, the rule of law, human rights and good governance. The special significance of these values reflects the normative requirement relating to the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy based on Art. 21 of the EU Treaty.
Nevertheless, the EU has not in the past found any strategies to effectively support Ukraine in its implementation of these values. During the period after the Orange Revolution, the field of constitutional consolidation was largely left to the European Council. Instead of making concentrated efforts to counteract Ukraine's constitutional decline, the EU accepted Putin’s concept of integration rivalry. If the EU plans to take its targets of establishing the rule of law seriously, it will have to significantly extend its relevant strategies.
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Kirsten Westphal
Sanktionen gegen Russland zu verhängen würde wegen der deutschen Abhängigkeit vom russischen Gas die Energiewende in Gefahr bringen. Stimmt das überhaupt?
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Timm Beichelt
Gegenwärtig kann es in Kiew, Berlin und Brüssel nur um Schadenbegrenzung gehen. Auf der Ebene der internationalen Politik müssen Signale an Russland ausgesandt werden, dass seine Aggressionspolitik keine Zukunft hat. Hier muss dem Denkmodell des Völkerrechts gefolgt werden. Auf der Ebene des Selbstbestimmungsrechts sollte die ukrainische Regierung dagegen davon überzeugt werden, der Selbstbestimmungsdiskussion in der Ostukraine konstruktiv entgegenzutreten.
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Ariane Grieser
Picking up some of the threads of the current debate [...]
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Russell A. Miller
Introduction For all the noise it makes about internationalizing German [...]
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Jan Klabbers
Had the German Wissenschaftsrat hired an advertising agency to extol [...]
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Anne Griffiths
What is striking to an outsider about the focus of [...]
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Ralf Michaels
Michaela Hailbronner makes important arguments in her informed and carefully [...]
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Michaela Hailbronner
The debate on the Wissenschaftsrat-Report has quickly turned into one [...]
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Ralf Michaels
I want to decline Rob Howse’s invitation to talk about [...]
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A few years ago, a New York Times editorial declared: [...]
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Robert Howse
Ralf Michaels describes me as having “taken offense” to his [...]
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Ralf Michaels
In a post on verfassungsblog.de I compare two reports on [...]
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Christopher McCrudden
The main issue I wish to focus on in this [...]
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Robert Howse
Germany's Science Council (Wissenschaftsrat) has issued a report on the state of legal scholarship in the country. At first glance it is fairly interesting as an overview of the strengths and weaknesses of the discipline. The report has attracted, however, a rather unusual response at Verfassungsblog from a professor at Duke, Ralf Michaels, who seems to hold to theories of cultural determinism in legal education. According to Michaels, "German doctrinal scholarship will always be superior to that of other countries,.."
Always? I am not sure what to make of this.Germany's Science Council (Wissenschaftsrat) has issued a report on the state of legal scholarship in the country. At first glance it is fairly interesting as an overview of the strengths and weaknesses of the discipline. The report has attracted, however, a rather unusual response at Verfassungsblog from a professor at Duke, Ralf Michaels, who seems to hold to theories of cultural determinism in legal education. According to Michaels, "German doctrinal scholarship will always be superior to that of other countries,.."
Always? I am not sure what to make of this.
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Ralf Michaels
The German Council of Science and Humanities’ report on “Prospects [...]
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, Alexandra Kemmerer
this is Structural changes in the law present challenges to [...]
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Ingolf Pernice
Das Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVerfG) hat einen historischen Schritt getan: Die Abtrennung der Fragen zum Ankaufprogramm von Staatsanleihen (OMT) der Europäischen Zentralbank vom Verfahren zum Europäischen Stabilitätsmechanismus ESM und die Vorlage der Fragen zum OMT an den Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union (EuGH): Nie zuvor hat das Gericht eine Frage im Vorlageverfahren nach Art. 267 AEUV an den EuGH gerichtet.
Schade allerdings wäre es, wenn der EuGH die Vorlage als unzulässig abweisen müsste, weil die Fragen hypothetischer Natur sind und das Vorlageverfahren nicht als Gutachtenverfahren oder sonst missbraucht werden darf. Während normalerweise die Gerichte dem EuGH die Frage nach der Gültigkeit von Rechtsakten der Unionsorgane vorgelegt wird, fragt das BVerfG hier, ob das Programm der EZB zum Ankauf von Staatsanleihen OMT unvereinbar mit den Unionsverträgen ist und macht sehr deutlich, dass es von der Ungültigkeit ausgeht.
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Daniel Thym
Among domestic commentators, the initial response was amazement: the reference by the German Constitutional Court was perceived as a sensation and turning point. My reaction is more moderate. Judges in Karlsruhe recognise their limits and try to push the ECJ in their direction.
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Daniel Thym
Die Medien waren sich schnell einig: eine Sensation, ein Paukenschlag, ein Wendepunkt. Mein Fazit ist nüchterner. Karlsruhe erkennt die eigenen Grenzen und versucht den EuGH als Verbündeten zu gewinnen.Among domestic commentators, the initial response was amazement: the reference by the German Constitutional Court was perceived as a sensation and turning point. My reaction is more moderate. Judges in Karlsruhe recognise their limits and try to push the ECJ in their direction.
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Wer sich angesichts der heutigen Entscheidung aus Karlsruhe verstört fragt, [...]
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Andrew Weissmann
Mr. Weissmann, you were the General Counsel of the Federal [...]
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Alexandros Kioupkiolis
In the fall of 2013, Greek universities are on the verge of a terminal collapse. As the production of critical academic discourse and opposition to the neoliberal orthodoxies and the prevailing policies in Greece continues unabated, it is little wonder that a predominantly conservative, rightwing government would seize the opportunity of the debt crisis and the obligations to Greece’s lenders to give vent to its long-felt resentment and to teach the disobedient universities a disciplinary lesson.
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov
Coming from such an established voice advocating the protection of rule of law at the national level, Kim Scheppele’s proposal definitely enjoys sufficient legitimacy to be taken very seriously. In what follows, I look at the “problem” of democracy (1.), the “problem” with bundling infringements (2.), the problem of determining the meaning of “values” (3.), and the problem with penalties (4.). I conclude that two problems are fictitious but two others are real.
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Matej Avbelj
Can the values and objectives of the European Union really (or even at all) be systematically protected and ensured, not just on books but in practice, by legal means, and in particular by courts, let alone the supranational ones? I believe the answer is no.
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Paul Blokker
Kim Lane Scheppele suggests a comprehensive, holistic approach to deal with prominent challenges to the basic principles of the European Union. I very much sympathize with this idea, but believe a purely legal approach in itself is not sufficient (and might even be counter-productive).
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While I agree with Kim Scheppelle’s "systemic infringement action" proposal, I am not so sure that it can be accomplished under the existing legal authority. Or better put, the prevailing understanding of what EU Treaties allow the Commission to do requires a much deeper transformation of the Commission’s role than Scheppelle suggests.
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Kim Lane Scheppele
What can the European Union – and in particular the European Commission – do about Member States that no longer reliably play by the most fundamental European rules? The question is now urgent because several Member States are already posing such challenges. Treaty reform could give the Commission new powers. But can the Commission act without waiting for the long and arduous process of treaty reform to provide new tools? Kim Lane Scheppele proposes a new approach, a simple extension of an existing mechanism: the infringement action.
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Kim Lane Scheppele
Was kann die Europäische Union – und vor allem die Kommission - gegen Mitgliedsstaaten unternehmen, die sich nicht länger an die grundlegendsten europäischen Regeln halten? Die Frage drängt, weil bereits mehrere Mitgliedsstaaten uns bereits vor solche Herausforderungen stellen. Eine Vertragsreform könnte die Kommission stärken. Aber kann sie handeln, ohne abwarten zu müssen, bis sie nach einem langen und mühevollen Prozess der Vertragsreform neue Kompetenzen erhält? Kim Lane Scheppele schlägt einen neuen Ansatz vor, die schlichte Ausdehnung eines existierenden Mechanismus - des Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens.
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Franz C. Mayer
Anders als bei den USA erscheint im Fall des britischen Geheimdienstes GCHQ der Konnex zum Europarecht nicht sonderlich fernliegend. Großbritannien ist seit 1973 Mitglied der EWG bzw. heute der EU. Die verdeckte, systematische, großflächige und anlasslose Sammlung von personenbezogenen Daten von Unionsbürgern durch einen Mitgliedstaat berührt Garantien, wie sie in Art. 8 Charta der Grundrechte sowie in Art. 16 AEUV und im geltenden Sekundärrecht niedergelegt sind. Dass hier Kerngewährleistungen des Unionsrechts berührt sind ergibt sich bereits aus folgender Testfrage: Würde man einen Beitrittskandidaten in die EU aufnehmen, der einen solchen Datenstaubsauger wie die GCHQ betreibt? Die Antwort ist ziemlich klar: Nein. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU setzt das Einhalten bestimmter Grundrechtsschutz- und Rechtsstaatsstandards voraus.
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Christoph Tometten
Asyl für Edward Snowden in Deutschland? Der Bundesinnenminister hält es für ausgeschlossen. Doch ist es tatsächlich unmöglich, Snowden Schutz zu gewähren? Bei genauer Lektüre des Gesetzes muss die Antwort differenzierter ausfallen.
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Christoph Tometten
Asyl für Edward Snowden in Deutschland? Der Bundesinnenminister hält es für ausgeschlossen. Doch ist es tatsächlich unmöglich, Snowden Schutz zu gewähren? Bei genauer Lektüre des Gesetzes muss die Antwort differenzierter ausfallen.
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Anja Mihr
Eine Folge wird die NSA-Affäre immerhin haben: Die Regulierung des Internets und den Schutz der Privatsphäre des Einzelnen werden neu diskutiert. Deutschland und Brasilien, deren Präsidentin Dilma Rousseff ebenfalls von der NSA abgehört wurde, haben dazu einen Resolutionsentwurf in der UN-Generalversammlung vorgelegt. Wie ist dieser Vorschlag zu bewerten? Anja Mihr spricht über Privatsphäre, Internet und verschiedene Akteure.
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Evin Dalkilic
“One of the most disturbing aspects of the public response to Edward Snowden’s revelations about the scale of governmental surveillance is how little public disquiet there appears to be about it.“ But why should we care when most likely the majority of us will never even notice that their data are being stored and can easily be accessed by State authorities? To put it simply: because it is against the law.
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Ioanna Tourkochoriti
Prosecution is pending in Greece against the Right Wing extremist party “Golden Dawn”. The accusations concern the criminal activity of the organization which is also a political party represented in Greek Parliament by 18 members. The accusation of having committed criminal acts is enough from the point of view of political liberalism for the criminal process to begin against them. Criminal prosecution for the accusation of acts and not only ideological discourse is justified and imposed under political liberalism since such acts directly harm others.
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Kleio Papapantoleon
In den letzten Wochen befindet sich der griechische Staat in einer beispiellosen verfassungsrechtlichen und politischen Lage: Die „Goldene Morgenröte“ (GM), eine parlamentarische Partei, die staatliche Finanzierung erhält (bis vor kurzem zumindest), besteht offenbar zum Teil aus einer kriminellen Vereinigung. Drei Abgeordnete dieser Partei sitzen bereits in Untersuchungshaft, sechs weitere wurden angeklagt. Alle werden schwerer Verbrechen beschuldigt. Zwar kennt die europäische politische Geschichte Beispiele von Abgeordneten, die in Strafverfahren verwickelt wurden, meist wegen ökonomischer Delikte. Es ist jedoch das erste Mal, dass in einer parlamentarischen Demokratie Abgeordnete, unter ihnen der Chef einer Partei, verhaftet werden, weil sie der Anklage zufolge Gründer und Anführer einer kriminellen Vereinigung sind, die Verbrechen bis hin zu Morden verübt hat. Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet kritisch den Weg bis zur Verhaftung der Leitungsgruppe von GM. Dabei wird berücksichtigt, dass rassistische und gewaltsame Ideologien, die der Kern des politischen Diskurses und der Praxis von GM bilden, weit verbreitet und in der griechischen Gesellschaft tief verwurzelt sind.
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Anna Katharina Mangold
At the moment, rapid changes are happening in Greece on a daily, even hourly basis. In such a volatile situation, it is impossible to already provide a final analysis. It is, however, possible and desirable to document the events and provide a preliminary explanation and contextualisation. This is the aim of our online symposium on Verfassungsblog in the weeks to come. Greek scholars and practitioners will offer their analyses and shed a light on the crisis in Greece, from constitutional law and political science perspectives, among others.
The contributions will cover three particularly drastic and constitutionally relevant topics: the imminent collapse of the academic system, the events surrounding the neonacist party “Golden Dawn”, and the transformation of labour law which directly affects public servants and is constitutionally questionable.
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Anna Katharina Mangold, Stelios Chronopoulos
Rasante Veränderungen vollziehen sich in Griechenland derzeit täglich, mitunter gar stündlich. In solch einer volatilen Situation ist es unmöglich, eine endgültige Bilanz zu ziehen. Möglich und erstrebenswert ist es aber, die Geschehnisse zu dokumentieren und eine vorläufige Einordnung zu versuchen. Dies soll in den kommenden Wochen in einem Online-Symposium auf dem Verfassungsblog geschehen. Griechische Wissenschaftler_innen werden die Krise in Griechenland verfassungsrechtlich und politikwissenschaftlich beleuchten und ihre Einschätzungen vorstellen.
Die Beiträge werden sich drei besonders einschneidenden und verfassungsrechtlich bedeutsamen Themen widmen: dem drohenden Kollaps des akademischen Systems, dem Umgang mit der neonazistischen Partei „Goldene Morgenröte“ und der Umgestaltung des Arbeitsrechts, die besonders auch den öffentlichen Dienst betrifft und verfassungsrechtlich angegriffen wird.
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Anne Peters
Es wird oft behauptet, völkerrechtlich seien die Abhörmaßnahmen der NSA gegen die deutsche Bevölkerung und ihre Kanzlerin nicht verboten, wenn nicht gar ausdrücklich vertraglich gedeckt. Stimmt das? Nicht unbedingt, sagt Anne Peters, Direktorin am Max-Planck-Institut für Völkerrecht in Heidelberg.
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Anne Peters
Is it against international law to spy on mobile phone [...]
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Russell A. Miller
Russell Miller, a leading expert on German constitutional law in the USA, explains the American perspective on the NSA affair - why Americans don't see it as a legal problem or even as a problem at all, and why the German alarm one month after the Constitutional Court declared the surveillance of members of the Bundestag by the German internal intelligence service unconstitutional appears somewhat hypocritical to American eyes.
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Russell A. Miller
Russell Miller, einer der besten Kenner des deutschen Verfassungsrechts in den USA, erklärt die amerikanische Sicht auf die NSA-Enthüllungen - warum sie vielfach nicht als Problem und jedenfalls nicht als rechtliches Problem gesehen werden und weshalb die zur Schau getragene Empörung der Bundesregierung einen Monat, nachdem das BVerfG die Überwachung von Bundestagsabgeordneten durch den Verfassungsschutz für grundgesetzwidrig erklärt hat, nicht frei von Heuchelei ist.
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Dieter Grimm
Dieter Grimm is in South Africa at the moment. We could send him a couple of questions, though: about the NSA affair and its consequences, the American understanding of constitutional protection and the many small steps we will have to take to achieve a global rule-based order.
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Dieter Grimm
Dieter Grimm weilt zurzeit in Südafrika. Wir konnten ihm trotzdem einige Fragen zu den Folgen der NSA-Affäre stellen, zum amerikanischen Verfassungsverständnis und zu den vielen kleinen Schritten, die auf dem Weg zu einer globalen Rechtsordnung noch zurückzulegen sind.
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Christopher McCrudden
Hans Joas’ book on the genealogy of human rights, Irish detective stories, a certain American classic, and a book on labor law in the context of changing social and political environments – Christopher McCrudden did quite a bit of reading over the summer, enjoying the privilege of delving into some non-legal literature for a change.
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Thomas Streinz
Since 4 July 2013 the draft agreement for the EU’s accession to the ECHR has been under scrutiny by the ECJ. In this context, Daniel Thym opened up a debate, concerning whether the EU’s accession to the ECHR might be a “Trojan Horse” within the walls of EU law endangering its primacy. Marten Breuer rejected this insinuation: There is no “Donum Danaorum”. While I share Breuer’s result wholeheartedly, my line of reasoning differs, at least partly.
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Thomas Streinz
Seit dem 4. Juli 2013 liegt der Entwurf eines Übereinkommens zum Beitritt der EU zur EMRK auf dem Prüfstand des EuGH. In diesem Zusammenhang hat Daniel Thym die Frage aufgeworfen, ob ein EMRK-Beitritt der EU als „trojanisches Pferd“ in den Mauern des Unionsrechts dessen Effektivität bedrohe. Marten Breuer hat diesen Vorwurf zurückgewiesen: Von einem Danaer-Geschenk könne keine Rede sein. Diesem Ergebnis schließt sich auch Thomas Streinz an – wenn auch mit zum Teil anderer Begründung.
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If it were the case that last Sunday the five procent threshold had turned unconstitutional - what exactly has caused this unconstitutionality over night? Can an election make the electoral law unconstitutional? Sophie-Charlotte Lenski suggests to flexibilize the threshold: If the number of discounted votes exceeds a certain quorum the five percent threshold turns into a three percent threshold.
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Wenn es so wäre, dass am Sonntag die Fünfprozenthürde verfassungswidrig geworden ist, was genau hat dann zu dieser Verfassungswidrigkeit über Nacht geführt? Kann eine Wahl das Wahlrecht verfassungswidrig machen? Oder gar der Wähler selbst? Sophie-Charlotte Lenski schlägt vor, die Sperrklausel zu flexibilisieren: Wenn ein bestimmtes Quorum unberücksichtigter Stimmen überschritten ist, wird die Fünf- zur Dreiprozenthürde.
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The five percent hurdle is far from having lost its justification. It structures and channels the later parliamentary decision-making process. But that means that as a countermove the public discussion must be all the more free, open and varied in the pre-parliament space. The five-percent hurdle loses its democratic legitimacy if enjoined to also perform the role of thought-police of the public space.
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Die Fünf-Prozent-Klausel hat ihre Berechtigung mitnichten verloren: Sie verlangt vom Wähler eine Stimmabgabe, die nicht allein höchstpersönliche Gesinnungen ausdrückt, sondern sich bereits in bescheidenem Maß einem Test auf ihre Verallgemeinerbarkeit unterzieht. Sie strukturiert und kanalisiert die spätere parlamentarische Willensbildung vor. Um so freier, offener und vielfältiger muss aber im Gegenzug die öffentliche Diskussion im vorparlamentarischen Raum sein. Die Zugangshürde verliert ihre demokratische Legitimität, wenn ihr angesonnen wird, zugleich Ideenpolizei des öffentlichen Raums zu sein.
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Dean Spielmann
A biography of his predecessor René Cassin, a history of Napoleon's Russian campaign from the view of the soldiers and a novel set in 19th century Den Haag - that is what ECtHR President Dean Spielmann had packed for his summer vacation.
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Martti Koskenniemi
Two graphic novels did Martti Koskenniemi pack for his summer vacations, plus several books about Heidegger, Thomasius and Christian Wolff, novels about Trieste and the parodies going on at academic conferences, and an Australian novel he finds increasingly hard to finish...
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Ob die Fünfprozenthürde mit dem Grundgesetz, das gleiche Wahlchancen für [...]
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Marten Breuer
Does the draft agreement on the accession of the EU to the ECHR challenge the primacy of EU Law? Marten Breuer, unlike his colleague from Konstanz Daniel Thym, does not think so.
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Marten Breuer
Beeinträchtigt das Abkommen für den Beitritt der EU zur EMRK den Vorrang des Unionsrechts? Anders als Daniel Thym hält Marten Breuer diese Bedenken für unberechtigt.
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Daniel Thym
The negotiations for a draft agreement on the accession of the EU to the ECHR was quite successful – and yet the draft provokes a couple of questions, bringing us back to the original challenges to the primacy of Union law, which the CJEU has always been eager to deter. It might do so again: just before the summer recess, the European Commission referred the matter to the CJEU in Luxembourg, in Opinion 2/13 whether the Draft Accession Agreement falls foul of the EU Treaties.
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Daniel Thym
Der Entwurf für den Beitritt der EU zur Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention steht. Aus EU-Sicht verliefen die Verhandlungen durchaus erfolgreich – und dennoch wirft der Vertragsentwurf eine Reihe von Fragen hinsichtlich des Vorrangs des Unionsrechts auf. Eben diese Fragen wird der EuGH alsbald zu beantworten haben: vor der Sommerpause verwies die EU-Kommission den Beitrittsentwurf nach Luxemburg, auf dass dieser im Gutachten 2/13 über die Vertragskonformität entscheide. Nach den EU-Verträgen dürfen völkerrechtliche Verträge, wie derjenige über den EMRK-Beitritt, nämlich nur in Kraft treten, wenn Sie mit den EU-Gründungsverträgen der vereinbar sind.
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Kim Lane Scheppele
The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution.
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Kim Lane Scheppele
The Tavares Report, adopted by the European Parliament with a surprisingly large majority, provides a bill of particulars against the Hungarian government and lays out a strong program to guide European Union institutions in bringing Hungary back into the European fold. With the passage of this report, Europe has finally said no to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his constitutional revolution.
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Im Umgang mit Mitgliedsstaaten, in denen Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit ins Rutschen kommen, zeigen sich EU-Kommission und EU-Parlament weniger hilflos und unentschlossen, als manche befürchtet hatten. Doch reicht solch punktueller Druck aus? Jan-Werner Müller berichtet über die jüngsten Entwicklungen in Brüssel und antwortet zum Abschluss des Verfassungsblogs-Symposiums "Ungarn - was tun?" auf die Kritiker seines Vorschlags, als unabhängige Instanz eine "Kopenhagen-Kommission" einzurichten.
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The EU Commission and the EU Parliament seem to be less ineffective than some expected in responding to deteriorations in democracy and rule of law within member states like Hungary. But will such selective pressure suffice? Jan-Werner Müller reports on the most recent developments in Brussels and, in a final contribution to Verfassungsblog's online symposium "Hungary – Taking Action", answers to the critics of his suggestion to install an independent "Copenhagen Commission".
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov
Following the recent fascinating exchange in the ‘pages’ of the [...]
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov
Following the recent fascinating exchange in the ‘pages’ of the [...]
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Edward Kanterian
Hungary’s political development under the Orbán government is by now [...]
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Edward Kanterian
Hungary’s political development under the Orbán government is by now [...]
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Matej Avbelj
The constitutional and political developments in Hungary in the last [...]
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Matej Avbelj
The constitutional and political developments in Hungary in the last [...]
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Claudio Franzius
1. Failings The political actors themselves admit that it was [...]
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Claudio Franzius
1. Versäumnisse Von den politischen Akteuren wird eingeräumt, dass es [...]
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Marco Dani
Over the last two years, the adoption, implementation and, more [...]
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Saskia Sassen
Hamburg, March 23th, 2013. The opening of the „Internationale Bauausstellung“ [...]
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Saskia Sassen, Richard Sennett
Hamburg, 23. März 2013. Die Eröffnung der Internationalen Bauausstellung lockt [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Zehn Zeilen Begründung: Mehr braucht die 2. Kammer des Ersten [...]
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The European Union is not just a community based on [...]
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The European Union is not just a community based on [...]
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Jan-Werner Müller’s eloquent proposal on what the EU should do [...]
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Jan-Werner Müller’s eloquent proposal on what the EU should do [...]
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Floris de Witte
While I share Müller’s concern about the situation in Hungary [...]
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Floris de Witte
While I share Müller’s concern about the situation in Hungary [...]
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Kalypso Nicolaidis
As we all know, observance of the “Rule of Law” [...]
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Kalypso Nicolaidis
As we all know, observance of the “Rule of Law” [...]
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Could there be a dictatorship inside the European Union? If [...]
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Kann es innerhalb der Europäischen Union eine Diktatur geben? Vor [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
The Hungarian Parliament has enacted a package of constitutional amendments [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Am Montag hat das ungarische Parlament ein Paket von Verfassungsänderungen [...]
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Beate Kohler-Koch
Was sehen Sie vor sich, wenn Sie an Europa 2023 [...]
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Christian Joerges
Wenn Sie an Europa 2023 denken, welche Veränderungen fallen Ihnen [...]
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Frank Schorkopf
An was denken Sie, wenn Sie an die EU in [...]
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Giandomenico Majone
When you think of Europe ten years from now – [...]
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Giandomenico Majone
When you think of Europe ten years from now – [...]
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Christian Hillgruber, Josef Isensee
Herr Isensee, Herr Hillgruber, Sie stehen beide in der Tradition [...]
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Wenn Du die Augen schließt und an Europa 2023 denkst, [...]
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Wenn Sie die Augen schließen und sich Europa 2023 vorstellen, [...]
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Jo Shaw
Do you think the EU and the United Kingdom will [...]
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Jo Shaw
Do you think the EU and the United Kingdom will [...]
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Mattias Kumm
Wenn Sie an Europa im Jahr 2023 denken – woran [...]
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Franz C. Mayer
Das ganze Jahr 2012 haben wir viele große Visionen über [...]
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Hans Michael Heinig
I. Der Deutsche Bundestag hat heute eine gesetzliche Regelung zur [...]
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Daniel Bogner
Der Bundestag hat am 22. November 2012 in erster Lesung [...]
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Andreas Gotzmann
Wie das Judentum mit unbeschnittenen Mitgliedern umgeht, muss den Gesetzgeber [...]
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Andreas Gotzmann
Seit Monaten ergießt sich auf allen Kanälen eine Flut von [...]
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Andrew Hammel
The Cologne Landgericht decision proclaiming religious circumcision to be a [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Extreme Positionen wie die des Kölner Landgerichts in punkto Kriminalisierung [...]
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Mark Swatek-Evenstein
Man könnte meinen, in der Debatte um das Beschneidungsurteil des [...]
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Alexandra Kemmerer
Some days ago, Reut Yael Paz published a critical comment [...]
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Alexandra Kemmerer
Unlängst hat Reut Yael Paz hier kritisch Stellung genommen zum [...]
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Reut Yael Paz
In his preface to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the [...]
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Hans Michael Heinig
Die Entscheidung des LG Köln vom 07.05.2012 in der Rechtssache [...]
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Georg Neureither
Religion geht dem Recht nicht vor. Das ist die Quintessenz [...]
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Alexandra Kemmerer
In these last few days, I have repeatedly been asked [...]
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Hans Michael Heinig
Ist die religiös motivierte Beschneidung eines minderjährigen Jungen als Körperverletzung [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Eigentlich staunt man fast, dass in der ganzen aufgeheizten und [...]
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Michaela Hailbronner
The Heidelberg proposal, with its suggestion of the adoption of [...]
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Daniel Halberstam
Peter Lindseth’s post directed at my own intervention on the [...]
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Antje Wiener
Auch wenn „Rettungsschirm“ nicht unbedingt das Wort des Monats ist [...]
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Antje Wiener
While “safety umbrella” (German: “Rettungsschirm”) is perhaps not the word [...]
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Mattias Kumm
Ungarns Ministerpräsident Victor Orban und die von ihm kontrollierte Regierungspartei [...]
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Mattias Kumm
Hungarian Premier Victor Orban and his ruling party Fidesz, after [...]
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Peter Lindseth
It is a tribute to the thoughtfulness of the Heidelberg [...]
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In order to full appreciate the Heidelberg proposal, I believe [...]
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Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov
Armin von Bogdandy and his team have come up with [...]
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Wojciech Sadurski
The Hungarian debacle is both a challenge and an opportunity [...]
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Daniel Thym
The parallels between the emergency rescue operations for the Euro [...]
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Daniel Thym
Die Parallelen zwischen den Notoperationen zur Euro-Rettung und einer EuGH-Grundrechtsintervention [...]
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Daniel Halberstam
I welcome the Heidelberg proposal! Several years ago – long [...]
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Peter Lindseth
I’d like to thank Alexandra, Max, and Christoph for inviting [...]
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Anna Katharina Mangold
In their post on Verfassungsblog, the Heidelberg research team around [...]
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Anna Katharina Mangold
Die Heidelberger Forschergruppe um Armin von Bogdandy schlägt in ihrem [...]
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The European Union could not be imagined without respect for [...]
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Armin von Bogdandy
By ARMIN VON BOGDANDY, MATTHIAS KOTTMANN, CARLINO ANTPÖHLER, JOHANNA DICKSCHEN, [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
The constitution of the European Union depends on the fundamental [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Die Konstitution der EU wird bestimmt durch die Grundrechtslage in [...]
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Franz C. Mayer
Bis März 2012 wollen die Staats- und Regierungschefs des Euro-Währungsgebietes [...]
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Frank Schorkopf
Ist nicht jeder Rechtssatz, jedes Gesetz, ist nicht jeder Vertrag [...]
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Martin Nettesheim
Es gehört zu den angeborenen Instinkten von Europapolitikern und Europarechtlern, [...]
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Daniel Thym
In den ersten Reaktionen auf das britische Veto des „Fiskalpakts“ [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Last week’s EU summit has sent a shock wave through [...]
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Maximilian Steinbeis
Bislang hatte bei der Euro-Rettung die Politik weitestgehend das Heft [...]
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