AAA General - Verfassungsblog

20 Februar 2022

Blockieren bis zum Ausnahmezustand

Am 14. Februar 2022 hat der kanadische Premierminister Justin Trudeau erstmals seit 1970 den Ausnahmezustand in Kanada erklärt. Die Maßnahme wird seitens seiner Partei vor allem mit den ökonomischen Folgen der Blockaden von Grenzübergängen und den Ereignissen in Ottawa begründet. Ob die Gerichte im Falle einer Anfechtung die Maßnahmen für rechtmäßig erklären werden, ist derzeit nicht absehbar.

19 Februar 2022

Maximilian Steinbeis

The relationship between sports and neutrality belongs to the most hotly debated topics in international sports law. This blog post illustrates the application of the neutrality principle in practice and argues that the athletes’ freedom of expression in sports is emerging as a ‘concession’ rather than as a ‘right’, suggesting that a reform of the regulations imposed by the Olympic Movement is urgently needed.

Daniel Halberstam, Werner Schroeder

In Defense of Its Identity

The introduction of rule of law budgetary conditionality, as approved by the Court, is a first step in the right direction. But the Union must go further. Taking a page from fundamental rights and anti-discrimination law, we suggest the systematic, deliberate, and transparent incorporation of rule of law considerations into all Union policies and practices at all stages, from planning and legislation to execution and enforcement, with the aim of actively promoting, realizing, and sustaining the rule of law throughout the Union.

16 Februar 2022

Laurent Pech

The 9/11 attacks exposed the precariousness of the public sphere, however, they did not result in a dramatic shift in the Turkish public sphere. Rather, the coup attempt of 2016 turned out to be Turkey’s “9/11 moment.”

The horrifying nature and unpredictability of terrorist attacks in the past two decades meant that in the UK, the extensions of state power had considerable public support in the years following 9/11. While useful to authorities dealing with an unpredictable threat, there are several factors in the laws that provide a potent recipe to erode expression rights.

03 Februar 2022

Stef Scagliola

Shifts in Historiography

Today, there appears to be more consensus about the unjust nature of the Dutch/Indonesian war. As a scholar who has studied the evolution of the discourse on this topic, being asked to contribute to a symposium about the relation between decolonisation and human rights, is the perfect occasion to look back.

Imran Parray

‘An assault on the constitution’

India's complex interlocking of securitization and freedom of expression poses a serious challenge to democratic ideals of free speech. Today, we witness increased targeting of journalists and activists across the country. In particular, conflict-ridden regions have presented a more serious situation where journalists face accusations of conspiring with the enemies of the state. The growing practice of muzzling the press and forums of public debate has created a culture of fear among the civil society, which directly affects the quality of democracy and free speech.

02 Februar 2022

Stefan Braum

On the Right to Compulsory Vaccination

The legitimacy of compulsory vaccination is a question of what kind of freedom we want. It is not a matter of state decree, but rather the reaction of a democratic constitutional state to an omission that can be interpreted as a violation of the freedom of others. If we take the legal relationship of freedom as a basis, some guidelines for models of compulsory vaccination emerge.

Hans Peter Bull

„Subjektivierung“ der Grundrechte – eine verfassungsrechtliche Sackgasse

In der Diskussion über die Verfassungskonformität einer gesetzlichen Impfpflicht wirbt Ute Sacksofsky dafür, die Perspektive der Minderheit und speziell die der von einer Grundrechtseinschränkung Betroffenen stärker einzubeziehen. Das ist an sich nichts Neues; es geschieht überall, wo über die Verhältnismäßigkeit einer solchen allgemeinen Pflicht debattiert wird. Aber Ute Sacksofsky meint mehr als dass die Gesetzesverfasser die subjektive Sichtweise und die Gefühle Betroffener bedenken sollen. Sie relativiert Wirkungsweise und Bedeutung der Grundrechte ganz grundsätzlich.

Ge Chen

Constitutional Battles beyond China’s Regulation of Online Terrorist Speech

The Chinese government’s suppression of Internet speech is almost legendary. It forms an impregnable cornerstone of what Oxford professor Stein Ringen dubbed the Party-state’s “perfect dictatorship”. China's approach to terrorist speech must me understood within the entire picture of China’s developing agenda of taming speech online.

01 Februar 2022

, Daniel Bonilla Maldonado

Being able to reunite with family from abroad falls under the right to family life, one of the fundamental rights every individual is entitled to. Despite this, some Dutch family reunification requirements are potentially at odds with international human rights law standards and the EU Directive 2003/86/EC on the right to family reunification. This problematic state of affairs reflects the ongoing racialization of European borders, and that of Dutch borders in particular.

Stefan Salomon

The Racialized Borders of the Netherlands

The principal function of borders in immigration law is to distinguish between persons and goods which are permitted to enter a territory and those which are not. I call this the filtering function of the border. In this short contribution, I enquire into how this filtering function of the border operates in the context of border controls in the Netherlands. More specifically, I argue that the way border controls are performed in the Netherlands structurally produces racialized subjects.

28 Januar 2022

Maximilian Steinbeis

Out of Sync

The Federal Elections may indeed have to be repeated in parts of Berlin. What would that mean?

Maximilian Steinbeis

Aus dem Takt

Die Bundestagswahl könnte in Teilen von Berlin tatsächlich wiederholt werden müssen. Was würde das bedeuten?

Thomas Spijkerboer

International Migration Law and Coloniality

In European human rights law, it is taken for granted that states have the sovereign right to regulate migration. A right to be admitted to a country of which one is not a national, or a right not to be expelled, exists only in exceptional cases. In this blogpost, I look at the origins of “the right to control the entry of non-nationals”. These are to be found in a shift in the colonial labour system which occurred in the second half of the 19th century. It is this history which explains the inequality represented on the map above.

Konrad Lachmayer,

Austria’s Struggle to Respond to Climate Change

Cancelling the planned construction of a highway tunnel beneath a Viennese national park in December 2021, the Green Minister for Climate Action Leonore Gewessler left local politicians outraged. Although the Austrian Constitution provides different links to sustainability and climate change, the Austrian Constitutional Court decided in a landmark case five years ago to interpret the constitutional provisions on climate change in a restrictive manner leading (bottom-up) ambitions to strengthen climate change litigation into a constitutional deadlock. The recent decision of Mrs. Gewessler opens up new (top-down) approaches towards an ecological executive.

Teresa Violante

Voting in the Pandemic

On Sunday, 30 January 2022, Portugal will go to the ballots on a snap election. Despite some initiatives to adapt the legal framework of the right to vote to the challenges of a pandemic, the amendments failed to accommodate the cases of persons under compulsory quarantine on election day, disenfranchising hundred thousands of voters in 2020-2021. Ironically, the severity of the new variant Omicron, possibly limiting the rights of up to a million voters, appears to restore the right to vote, even though on a dubious legal basis.

In this post, I would like to shed light on an important, yet generally overlooked aspect of the European Convention of Human Rights, namely that it was drafted at a time when many of the member states of the Council of Europe were still important colonial powers. While European empires in Asia were in decline and the Netherlands was in the process of withdrawing from Indonesia, this was not the case in what was then called New Guinea, Surinam or the Antilles. Colonial empires in Africa, for their part, were still well established and the question of the territorial application of the Convention was hotly debated in the drafting process. What were the implications of this link between human rights and empire?

Antoon De Baets

Police Action or War?

The conflict in Indonesia in 1945–1949 was not a police action against insurgents in the context of a colonial territory in which domestic law alone was applicable; it was an international armed conflict in the context of independence in which international law should have played its role. The crimes committed during the conflict from both sides were war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Rachel Pougnet

Clause 9 of the Nationality and Borders Bill

In July 2021, the UK government set to work on a new Nationality and Borders Bill. Should this far-reaching amendment acquire statutory force, it will raise important questions about the capacity of the UK constitution to prevent sweeping executive authorisation, even in matters with intense bearing on the most profound human rights and entitlements.

Mit etwas Glück wird 2022 ein ganz erfreuliches Jahr

Maximilian Steinbeis

Confidence and Caution

With some luck, 2022 might bring some good news

11 Januar 2022

Cem Tecimer

Restoration without the Constitution

After what is now almost a two-decade long rule by the governing party, there are strong indications that a strong reshuffling in Turkish politics is in the works. Support for President Erdogan and his party is declining. I argue, firstly, that it is a combination of factors that has led to this moment of changing fortunes in Turkish politics – a combination that sheds light on what tactics may successfully be employed by opposition forces who wish to put an end to autocracies. Secondly, I claim that constitutional restoration in Turkey does not require formal constitutional change.

10 Januar 2022

Natalie Alkiviadou

A Missed Opportunity for LGBTQ Rights

A few days ago, the British activist Gareth Lee failed with his complaint before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). The Court declared the application inadmissible as Lee had not claimed the violation of rights under the European Convention on Human Rights in any of the national court proceedings and thus had not exhausted all national remedies. Lee v. the United Kingdom really was a missed opportunity for Europe’s regional human rights court to address the issue of homophobia in the context of access to goods and services.

Bianca Selejan-Gutan

Who’s Afraid of the „Big Bad Court”?

The end of 2021 brought a new chapter in the saga of how should the primacy of the EU law be applied by Romanian courts. A press release of the Romanian Constitutional Court, issued on 23 December 2021, raised concerns about the conformity with the principles set forth in the case law of the CJEU regarding the primacy. The press release, albeit a non-legal document, might have a dissuasive effect upon the judges who would be, otherwise, willing to disapply some norms of internal law, according to the latest judgment of the CJEU on the matter. In Romania, the disregard of the decisions of the Constitutional Court can be a ground for disciplinary action against judges.

07 Januar 2022

Dmitry Kurnosov

Beware of the Bulldozer

The case of Russia teaches us how dangerous extra-constitutional constitution making can be – and that it should always be just a last resort. No substantive institutional changes should be made outside of the constitutional bounds. Otherwise, there will always be the danger that breaking the rule of law will continue even after constitutional change has taken place. This is precisely what Russian intellectuals and jurists, who supported Yeltsin in 1993, learned under the rule of Vladimir Putin. We should try to avoid repeating their mistakes.

Bogdan Iancu

Ohne Ihre Hilfe hätten wir es nicht geschafft.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Dear Friends of Verfassungsblog

We couldn't have done it without your help.

27 Dezember 2021

Sanford V. Levinson

The Iron Cage of Veneration

From my perspective, the most fundamental question that Arato and Sajó are asking is precisely how committed lawyers and constitutionalists should be to particular political systems that do not, at least on the surface, offer any grounds for optimism that the next election will “vote the rascals out of office” and enable forward movement to achieving the grand aspirations of a liberal constitutional order. Paradoxically or not, one might have more hope about Hungary, Poland, Chile, Brazil, or other countries unafflicted by “veneration” of a constitutional system that, left unreformed, serves as an iron cage, a “clear and present danger” to the actual achievement of liberal constitutional aspirations.

24 Dezember 2021

Michael Meyer-Resende

Removing the Cement from Hungary´s Constitutional Edifice

It seems to me that we are asking two questions: First, is Hungary´s constitutional system so damaged that it no longer reflects the core tenets of democratic constitutionalism? My short answer is, yes, but the case needs to be made comprehensively. The second questions is: Could the current constitution be repaired although it is set-up to impede repair? My short answer is: It depends on the post-election context and we should not jump too easily to leave the current legal framework.

23 Dezember 2021

Melanie Griffiths

Almost 20 years after the adoption of the Berlin Declaration on Open Access to Knowledge in the Sciences and Humanities (2003), open access publications still play a comparatively marginal role in the legal academia. Yet legal scholarship is already benefiting from a public discourse that quality-assured legal scholarship blogs have initiated with their science-communicative opening. Admittedly, particularly the lack of sustainable funding models reinforces the disciplinary reluctance to embrace open access and open science in legal academia.

For the first time ever in Hungary, a national primary was held to elect the prime ministerial candidate for the opposition, sparking discussions on constitutional restoration, in particular on amending or replacing the 2011 constitution, the Fundamental Law (FL). Following a brief description of the Hungarian institutional and constitutional landscape, I outline several suggestions as to how the question of constitutional restoration in Hungary might be addressed.

17 Dezember 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

A Hard Year

A look back on 2021 and the most-read Verfassungsblog posts

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ein hartes Jahr

Ein Blick zurück auf 2021 und die meistgelesenen Verfassungsblog-Posts

Till Zimmermann

Fighting Corruption with Criminal Law

Criminal law serves as the primary tool of choice in Germany's combat against corruption. Yet, apart from the truism that merely tightening the penal framework to combat corruption is useless anyway, there remain deficits. This blog post argues that some of those deficits are to be found not on the level of law in action, but in the law in the books.

Sofia Ranchordas

Cities of God

Smart-city surveillance is not always used “for the good.” Instead, the faces of regime opponents or, in other contexts, underrepresented minorities, are often self-incriminating elements. It is clear that smart cities pose important problems to privacy and that technology-infused urban spaces bring as many benefits as challenges. I argue that we should be particularly critical of the employment of surveillance technologies in slums because they are by definition vulnerable places from different perspectives.

16 Dezember 2021

Csaba Gy?ry

Governance or Revolution?

The call from Andrew Arato and Andras Sajó starts an important and timely debate. It is indeed a thorny question in which cases a formal breach of constitutional norms is the only way to restore constitutionalism. I make three claims: First, while the potential opposition government’s legislative power will indeed be constrained, it will not be entirely powerless. Second, many of these constraints do not stem from constitutional provisions per se, but from informal practices within constitutional organs, and thus cannot be addressed by only formal constitutional changes, revolutionary or otherwise. Third, in the present situation a calculated formal breach of the constitution will most likely lead to civilian strife, political paralysis and radicalization. It will also have the potential to destabilize the European Union.

Anna Unger

Chekhov’s Gun

On 9 November, the Fidesz-majority in the parliament passed an amendment on the registration of permanent addresses in Hungary, which allows to register a permanent address without actually living there. In addition, creating a fictional address will no longer be a punishable crime, as the parliament also modified the Penal Code by deleting this specific case from the provisions of document falsification. This legislative step opens the floodgates of voter tourism for the Spring parliamentary elections creating legal but unfair and undemocratic possibilities for winning the most competitive Single Member Districts.

, Christian Perrone

‘Don’t Snoop on Me’

For the past twenty years, Brazil has been torn between the paths of public security and mass surveillance, and of reaffirming human rights, especially the right to privacy. An interesting duality has emerged: on the one hand, the creation of a robust regime in terms of data protection and, on the other, a wholehearted acceptance of facial recognition technology.

Elmien du Plessis

No Expropriation without Compensation in South-Africa’s Constitution – for the Time Being

This week the Parliament of South Africa voted against amending section 25 of the Constitution to provide for “expropriation without compensation” after four years of contestations. But all is not lost. Land reform has been placed on the public agenda, and the state is under more pressure than ever to ensure that a successful land reform program delivers.

08 Dezember 2021

Su Bian

Legalising Anti-Corruption Efforts in China

In 2018, the Chinese central government professed its determination to combat ‘corruption’ at a new level by promulgating the Supervision Law (SL). Supervisory commissions (SCs) from the national level down to the county level were systematically set up and became the sole supervisory organ, which has largely modified the constitutional division of powers. I argue that the SC shares much in common with the hybrid type of ombudsman but lacks adequate external constraint mechanisms.

No rule of law?

Something out of the ordinary, something very strange, something seriously concerning happened at the second section of the European Court of Human Rights on 23 November 2021.

Laura Esteve Alguacil,

Good Intentions May Not Be Enough

On 29 June 2021, the Spanish Cabinet approved to sponsor the Draft Bill for the Real and Effective Equality of Trans People and the Guarantee of the Rights of LGTBI People in Parliament. Even though the Bill’s main goal is to introduce game-changing and long-demanded reforms, such as the incorporation of the self-determination principle in legal gender amendment procedures or a state-level set of norms against LGTBIphobia, political struggles within the government have resulted in a weak text. And, most importantly, they are causing a major delay to its parliamentary discussion and approval.

07 Dezember 2021

Steven Pierce

The Changing Culture and Perception of Corruption

In Nigeria, coups d’etat have often been a cause for celebration. Ironically, even as a series of juntas promised to reform corrupt practices Nigeria’s perceived problems grew worse, leading to ever-more stringent rhetoric against corruption and, as Ugochukwu Ezeh suggests in his contribution to this symposium, a near consensus that corruption represents a fundamental threat to Nigerians’ personal security and that of the nation itself. While it is challenging to measure the prevalence or magnitude of corruption objectively, the perception of corruption is that it gets worse and worse, despite the struggle against it.

06 Dezember 2021

Questions of Integrity

Many have rightly criticized the Commission for failing to robustly defend the EU’s founding values from academic freedom, to media freedom, to judicial independence, to the rights of refugees or the LGBT community. In these discussions, the Commission’s failure to take action against another form of discrimination is generally ignored: discrimination against national minorities. Looking at the example of Hungarian communities in other member states, this post highlights the Commission’s failure to defend ethnic or national minorities against discrimination. This is in stark contrast with the fact that the protection of and respect for minorities is a founding value of the EU, ranked equally to democracy, rule of law and human dignity.

Anne van Aaken

Behavioral Approaches to International Corruption Fighting

Corruption is a huge challenge and needs all available means to fight it – the call of the United Nations for using behavioral sciences to understand and fight corruption needs to be heeded urgently.

03 Dezember 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Bodies and Persons

Liberal conscientious troubles in the pandemic

Maximilian Steinbeis

Körper und Personen

Liberale Gewissensnöte in der Pandemie

Anne Sanders, Elisabeth Faltinat

Independent Selection of Judges via Competence Evaluation and Lot

Last Sunday, 28th November 2021, voters in Switzerland rejected the proposals of the „Justiz-Initiative“ (“Judge initiative”) with the overall majority of 68,07% (temporary official results of the Federal Council, in German). Nevertheless, the proposal contains interesting aspects concerning questions around the election processes and independence of judges. Despite the rejection in Switzerland – it could serve as an impulse for further discussions not only in Switzerland, but within Europe, where the independence of the judiciary has been partly endangered.

Enforcement is the central challenge in anti-corruption law. Ironically, in many societies the problem is that there are too many enforcement agencies rather than too few, mainly because those agencies’ actions are poorly coordinated. In the early years of the twentieth century, Brazil’s anti-corruption agencies developed an intriguing response to this conundrum. They embraced what I and my co-authors call institutional modularity.

Fabia Fernandes Carvalho, Florian Hoffmann

Corrupting Democracy?

This blog symposium introduces a new collaborative format between Verfassungsblog and the journal Verfassung und Recht in Übersee (VRÜ) / World Comparative Law (WCL). Today, we inaugurate these joint symposia with the theme of the recently published VRÜ/WCL Special Issue on "Corrupting Democracy? Interrogating the Role of Law in the Fight against Corruption and its Impact on (Democratic) Politics". It thematises corruption and its conceptual pendant anti-corruption as prototypical hard cases for both the rule of law and for democratic politics.

30 November 2021

Wojciech Sadurski

A Blatant Attack on Free Media

In a recent and shocking judgment of the first instance, a criminal court in Warsaw has found the Polish journalist Ewa Siedlecka guilty of criminal libel (defamation) for commenting on the organized campaign of hatred against independent Polish judges. This account deeply resonates with my own personal experience. Toutes proportions gardeés, I should add, since Ms Siedlecka has done immeasurably more for the rule of law in Poland than I did, and has run much higher risks – and incurred higher personal costs.

29 November 2021

Wojciech Kuznicki

Military Actions on Dubious Legal Bases

For months, thousands of migrants from Middle Eastern countries attempted to enter Poland threatened by Belarusian troops. As a reaction, Poland has deployed substantial forces to counter the immigration influx, using the Border Guards along with police and military personnel. Thousands of Polish soldiers have been operating on the border with Belarus. There is, however, no published legal basis for these police-like interventions undertaken by military personnel. The spokesman of the Polish Territorial Defence Forces (WOT) cited an old act of the President on 28th of November, which is not in force anymore as it got repealed in June 2020.

Ewa ??towska

The Honest (though Embarrassing) Coming-out of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal

The particular coming-out of the Tribunal, made in the judgment K 6/21 by admitting that the Constitutional Tribunal is not subject in general to the standards inherent in Article 6 EC, leads to the conclusion that the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and its judges need not be independent. Paradoxically, therefore, the judgment confirms (albeit by different reasoning) the disqualification of the Tribunal made in the Xero Flor judgment by ECtHR. And yet the Tribunal intended to remove the negative consequences for itself of the Xero Flor.

Hanaa Hakiki, Delphine Rodrik

M.H. v. Croatia: Shedding Light on the Pushback Blind Spot

In the recent judgment of M.H. v Croatia, the European Court of Human Rights has recognized for the first time the pushback of migrants and asylum-seekers from Croatia. The case centers around the death of six-year-old Afghan Madina Hussiny, who was struck by a train after she and her family members were denied access to asylum, instructed by police officers to follow train tracks towards Serbia and pushed back from Croatian territory without individualized examinations of their circumstances. Her tragic death in Croatia — like that of Alan Kurdi in Greece or of Mawda in Belgium — put European audiences face-to-face with the unjust and deadly impact of Europe’s immigration policies.

26 November 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Nuts and Bolts

The traffic-light coalition strives to enact another electoral reform within a year - with or without the opposition?

With liminal legal spaces expanding on several domains of non-EU migrants’ lives in Europe, specific populations of third country nationals came to face greater discriminatory treatment. Rules and procedures were being adopted in the name of security and the protection of the public and/or social order against so-called “irregular migration”. We focus on non-EU migrants in Belgium, as they constitute an extremely relevant case to illustrate how institutions of a liberal, democratic European state have transformed and adapted the ways they operate discrimination along racist lines.

Die Bundesanwaltschaft als Kind ihrer Zeit

Review Essay
Viele wichtige Bundesbehörden haben die NS-Belastung ihres Personals in der Gründungsphase untersuchen lassen. Der Historiker Friedrich Kießling und der Strafrechtler Christoph Safferling haben nunmehr die institutionelle Nachkriegsgeschichte der Bundesanwaltschaft aufbereitet. Die gründliche Untersuchung befördert eine Fülle aufschlussreicher sowie lesenswerter Details und Arabesken ans Licht.

22 November 2021

Mohsin Alam Bhat

Irregularisierung der Staatsbürgerschaft in Indien

Indien hat komplexe rechtliche Mechanismen geschaffen, die den Status der Staatsbürgerschaft stark verunsichert haben. Diese Mechanismen erlauben es, Personen willkürlich als mutmaßliche Ausländer ins Visier zu nehmen, stellen unzumutbare Beweisanforderungen für den Nachweis der Staatsbürgerschaft und erleichtern den schleichenden Verlust materieller Rechte - und das alles ohne formellen Entzug des Staatsbürgerschaftsstatuses. Diese Prozesse lassen sich meiner Meinung nach am besten als das verstehen, was Peter Nyers als "Irregularisierung der Staatsbürgerschaft" bezeichnet.

Mohsin Alam Bhat

Irregularizing Citizenship in India

India has created complex legal mechanisms that have introduced severe insecurity of citizenship status. These mechanisms permit arbitrary targeting of persons as suspected foreigners, place unreasonable evidentiary standards for proving citizenship, and facilitate creeping loss of substantive rights – all without a formal revocation of citizenship status. These processes, I suggest, are best understood as what Peter Nyers calls ‘irregularizing citizenship’.

Eleni Frantziou

Lloyd v Google: towards a more restrictive approach on privacy protection in the UK?

The UK Supreme Court has delivered its much-awaited judgment in Lloyd v Google - a highly significant case for the development of privacy law in the United Kingdom. The Supreme Court paints an overly thin picture of data privacy and raises important concerns about possible divergence from EU standards in the future.

19 November 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

The third act, but not the end, of the ongoing „game of Courts” between the Romanian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice came on 9 November 2021, with a letter by the Romanian Constitutional Court to assist the acting minister of justice with a reply to the EU Commission's concern about primacy of EU law. I will not comment again on the arguments, already developed by the Constitutional Court in its decision, but I will try to emphasize, through relevant quotes, the disregard of the rule of law requirements stated in the CJEU judgment as well as the absence of the capacity of a true dialogue with the European Court.

Andrew Arato,

Restoring Constitutionalism

How to restore constitutionalism and the rule of law is a somewhat neglected problem among constitutionalists. Thanks to forthcoming elections, some countries like Hungary where “democratic backsliding” has taken place, may have the opportunity to restore the rule of law. Is a democratic community bound to follow constitutional rules of dubious democratic nature? Or can these be replaced in violation of legality, for example in an extra-parliamentary democratic process? If so, under what conditions? We call on constitutionalists to provide answers to these questions and formulate alternatives between the two extremes of legality and paralysis, possibly involving an element of illegality, but compensating for this by dramatic increase of democratic legitimacy.

16 November 2021

Peter Billings

Rhetorik der Terrorismusbekämpfung, das Abschreckungsparadigma und das Ende des Asyls

Obwohl der Zusammenhang zwischen Terrorismus und Asyl in Australien keine empirische Grundlage hat, haben bestimmte Gesetze, Maßnahmen und Praktiken, die im Jahr 2001 zur Terrorismusbekämpfung eingeführt wurden, bis heute Bestand - insbesondere die Offshore-Abfertigung von Asylbewerbern, die auf dem Seeweg ankommen. Ich behaupte, dass Australiens Abschreckungsmodell eine negative "Signalwirkung" auf die heutige Asylpolitik und -praxis einiger europäischer Staaten hatte.

Lasse Schuldt

Legislative Activity and Inactivity in the COVID Pandemic in Spain

In Spain, hundreds of laws have been amended in reaction to the COVID pandemic. But Spain is still without a law determining when elections can be suspended, what is the deadline for extending the state of alarm, when a town can be closed perimetrically, and so on. Against logic and statistics, our public authorities have considered that the organic laws of 1981 and 1986 were sufficient for this purpose. However, they were clearly not designed for a pandemic unprecedented since 1918.

Ay?e Dicle Ergin

Delayed Parallels

Even though 9/11 has had a significant impact on the global linking of migration and security, different triggers may be required for each country for the concrete effects of this approach to emerge. For Turkey, the developments are parallel but delayed. Turkish immigration policy, which was trending towards becoming more liberal and rights-based after 9/11, has suffered a serious break after a series of terrorist attacks in the country.

09 November 2021

Anna Kompatscher

Stating the Obvious

On September 16th, the ECtHR has ruled in the case X v. Poland that the denial of custody of a child must not be based on the sexual orientation of a parent. According to the Court, Poland has violated Article 14 (prohibition of discrimination) in conjunction with Article 8 (right to respect for private and family life) of the European Convention of Human Rights when refusing the applicant full parental rights and custody of her youngest child. This ruling comes too late for the applicant, whose child has grown up, as the decision of the ECtHR took twelve years. Neverthelesess, in the current Polish context, the finding of the Court on this case sends an important message.

01 November 2021

Alina Maria Ripplinger, Florian Kriener

Struggling for Democratic Elections

Ahead of the elections on 7 November 2021, the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States sends a final warning to Nicaragua. On 20 October, it adopted resolution 1182 and clarified that holding elections is not enough if these elections violate democratic principles. The OAS – like other regional organizations – faces persisting challenges when addressing member states that systematically disregard their core obligations in the fields of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. And yet, it is in a position to make a difference in the struggle for the restoration of democracy in Nicaragua.

Richard Danbury

Poland, the ECJ, and we in the middle (of the fray)

Maximilian Steinbeis

The COVID-19 pandemic has blatantly exposed the flaws of the World Health Organization (WHO) and its International Health Regulations (IHR) in addressing cross-border communicable diseases. We argue that the IHR is ill-designed: its rules and mechanisms are disproportionately tied to the Director General’s (DG) exercise of power, rendering insufficient member access to and participation in core decision-making and greater tendency of regulatory capture.

Tanmay Singh, Anandita Mishra, Krishnesh Bapat

Why don’t they just stop stopping the internet?

We cannot trust the Indian state to forego the easy option for the right option. And that’s why we need transparency and accountability on internet shutdowns. The Supreme Court recognised this when it ordered that all internet suspension orders must be made available widely, to enable affected citizens to challenge these orders in Court. In practice, the Supreme Court's orders have been ignored.

22 Oktober 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

COVID-19 demonstrated the interconnectedness of the world and that our collective protection and well-being is contingent on our individual response. The importance of solidarity and acting in the public interest became key messages in public health, as too were these principles justified as the basis for data-sharing across borders. Accessing this data was critical and its timely access to this data was essential in research for the much-needed new vaccines.

Jakub Jaraczewski

Gazing into the Abyss

On Thursday 7th October 2021 the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued its decision in the case K 3/21. Politically, this situation is likely a crucial point in the Polish rule of law saga. Legally, it is a decision taken by a not independent court that ignored both domestic provisions and EU law towards arriving at a politically motivated outcome tailored towards the interests of the ruling party.

Jesse Claassen

In the Courts the CJEU does not Trust?

In last week’s long-awaited judgment, the CJEU had the opportunity to revisit its case law concerning the national courts’ obligation to refer preliminary questions. The Court largely maintained its strict approach and thereby, at first sight, admits of little trust in the national courts’ handling of EU law. Upon closer inspection, however, an alternative reading of the judgment seems possible.

11 Oktober 2021

Benjamin Kneihs

Unappetitliches aus Österreich

Der österreichische Bundeskanzler Sebastian Kurz musste nach neuen Enthüllungen der Wirtschafts- und Korruptionsstaatsanwaltschaft sein Amt niederlegen. Der Vorgang wirft Fragen und Erklärungsbedarf auf.

27 retired judges of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal

Statement of Retired Judges of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal

On 7 October 2021, the Constitutional Tribunal issued a judgment in case K 3/21 concerning the place of EU law in the Polish legal order. The judgment caused great public concern due to its foreseeable devastating consequences for the position of the Republic of Poland as a Member State of the European Union. The retired judges of the Constitutional Tribunal fully share this concern. In addition, however, they consider it their duty to correct the many false assertions contained in the judgment, its oral reasoning and the comments of representatives of political power.

Pola Cebulak, Marta Morvillo

The Writing is on the Wall

On 6 October 2021, Advocate General (AG) Saugmandsgaard Øe published his Opinion in the joined cases C-368/20 NW v Landespolizeidirektion Steiermark and C-369/20 NW v Bezirkshauptmannschaft Leibnitz. Six Schengen countries (Germany, France, Austria, Denmark, Norway and Sweden) have reintroduced border controls over the past years. If the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) were to follow the AG’s Opinion, they would need to seriously rethink their practices in this regard. New evidence-based procedures and serious reasons, capable of passing a proportionality test, would be necessary to introduce border controls within the Schengen Zone.

Corri Zoli

Der Abzug aus Afghanistan läutet eine neue Ära globaler Kriege um Infrastruktur und Lieferketten ein

Für manche stellt der demütige Abzug der Vereinigten Staaten und der NATO-Koalitionspartner aus Afghanistan ein angemessenes Ende der Kriege nach dem 11. September 2001 dar. Doch meiner Meinung nach markiert dieser Abzug einen wichtigeren Anfang: unseren unfreiwilligen Eintritt in eine neue Ära der kompetitiven Kriegsführung - wobei Afghanistan nur den Anfang einer neuen Ära globaler Infrastruktur- und Lieferkettenkriege darstellt.

Merijn Chamon, Tom Theuns

Resisting Membership Fatalism

While we fully agree with the main thrust of the editorial ‘The Exit Door’ on Verfassungsblog last Friday, we would like to warn against its seemingly fatalistic mindset. Yes, a Polexit from the EU is not on the table until the Polish government itself pushes the Article 50 TEU button, but the other EU Member States do not have to idly wait ‘hoping’ for a resolution to the crisis.

Nur Polen kann Polen aus der EU werfen. Oder drinbehalten.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The Exit Door

Only Poland can take Poland out of the EU. Or keep it in.

Balancing Accountability and Legitimacy

As they have installed themselves as the de facto government of Afghanistan, the Taliban could theoretically be held accountable for potential crimes via inter-state proceedings. In practice however, that would run the risk of increasing the perceived legitimacy of the Taliban as the Afghan government. The announcement of Prosecutor Karim Ahmad Khan of the International Criminal Court on September 27 to resume investigations in Afghanistan in the form of criminal prosecution – and thus not as inter-state litigation – therefore deserves support.

Jochen von Bernstorff

Afghanistan and Great Power Interventionism as Self-Defense

We are still in the process of assessing the outcomes of 20 years of Western military and humanitarian presence in Afghanistan, and of a heartless and chaotic withdrawal. The current and somewhat self-centred debates may obscure considerable collateral legal nihilism. My main argument is that the re-interpretation of Art. 51 UN Charter by the US in the context of the so called “war on terror” was (and still is) an attempt to re-introduce new legal justifications for old forms of great power interventionism.

07 Oktober 2021

Jed Odermatt

Examining how Western states - primarily the US, UK and Canada - approach and develop their exceptional status with respect to allegations of international crimes shows that they pursue ‘exceptionalism’ and its benefits through a variety of strategies. Given the relative standing and power of these states internationally, the risks posed by their tactics may disproportionately burden international institutions and norms rather than the states themselves.

04 Oktober 2021

Dailor Sartori Junior, Carolina A. Vestena

Indigenous Rights and the “Marco Temporal”

At the end of August 2021, Brazil witnessed the largest indigenous mobilisation in its history. Organised by the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), more than five thousand indigenous people from 117 different groups set up camp in Brasilia, the capital city of the country. Under the slogan “Fight for Life: our history does not begin in 1988”, indigenous groups from all over the country mobilised the public opinion in protest against the further erosion of their rights.

Intermediate Solidarities: The Case of the Afghan Interpreters

The Western imaginary of solidarity to distant others has long dominated discussions of Afghanistan. This commentary looks at what might be described as intermediary solidarities - towards local suppletives who have put themselves in harm’s way to aid foreign interventions, primarily Afghan interpreters, employed by Western armies. I contrast a sense of patriotic noblesse oblige to former allies with a more critical international evaluation of the status of these interpreters.

01 Oktober 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

The pandemic status is also a political exercise and a way to phrase a crisis according to political interests. As long as some diseases do not reach a pandemic level, they would not elicit the immediate financial help and international cooperation, which has at least been promised (if not delivered) during COVID.

Facebook suspends accounts of German Covid-19-deniers

On 16 September 2021, Facebook suspended more than 150 “Pages and Groups operated by individuals associated with the Querdenken movement in Germany” because of “coordinated social harm”. These accounts were, undoubtedly, spreading misinformation about the Covid-19-pandemic, denying the existence of the virus and encouraging other users to resist the government. However, this type of removal has no legal basis other than Facebook’s Community Standards. Hence, this constitutes a great example of how we (still) apply double standards in content moderation and that, from a legal perspective, we need to think beyond traditional categories and expand the horizontal effect doctrine, but not solely to the advantage of the users affected by the removal.

24 September 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Nach der Union

Über Mitglieder, Follower und das Gebot innerparteilicher Demokratie.

Maximilian Steinbeis

After the Union

On members, followers, and the constitutional imperative of inner-party democracy.

23 September 2021

Sakiko Fukuda-Parr

On 2 September 2021, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has confirmed in its EPSU judgment the European Commission’s power to obstruct social bargaining in the European Union. The judgment, which confirms on appeal a doubtful interpretation of the EU Treaties initially developed by the General Court, constitutes a grim turning point for EU labour law in that it reduces the autonomy of the social partners to an empty shell.

Gian Luca Burci

Governance Needs for Pandemic Preparedness and Response (PPR)

The COVID-19 pandemic has been characterized by mistrust in science, the manipulation of science for political purposes, the “infodemic” of mis- and disinformation, and a repeated failure to base policy decisions on scientific findings. The crisis of confidence in scientific analysis is paradoxical and disquieting, particularly in light of increasing international regulation to manage acute or systemic risks and its reliance on science.

20 September 2021

Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law, Carlo Masala, Anne Peters, Christian Marxsen, Carolyn Moser, Alexandra Kemmerer

Über einen ebenso vergessenen wie faszinierenden Artikel im Grundrechtekatalog des Grundgesetzes

Maximilian Steinbeis

Property is not (just) private

About one of the least familiar and most fascinating articles within the fundamental rights catalogue of the Grundgesetz

Bogdan Iancu

“Not What We Were Promised”

Review Essay
The four volumes subject to this review essay address the liberal-constitutional question of our times.They seek to play the long game, by addressing causes and phenomena. Together, they offer a balanced assortment of positions: two (Frankenberg and Holmes-Krastev) are primarily written as defences of the fraying liberal consensus against the recent populist onslaught, whereas the second group (Parau and Wilkinson) question what the authors believe to be liberal internationalism gone awry.

Thu Nguyen

How Much Money is a Lot of Money?

On 7 September 2021, the European Commission announced that it will ask the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to impose financial penalties on Poland for not complying with the Court’s order for interim measures of 14 July 2021 regarding its Disciplinary Chamber. The Commission must be able to threat the member state in question not only credibly, but also with amounts that are high enough to deter them from continuing on their rule-of-law-breaching-path.

Maria Ejchart-Dubois, Sylwia Gregorczyk Abram, Micha? Wawrykiewicz, Paulina Kieszkowska-Knapik

The Jokes Have Ended

In recent weeks, the European Commission (‘EC’) has clearly shown that it has lost its patience with unruly Poland. The Polish government is obviously playing for time, deceiving and cheating Brussels about the implementation of the decisions of the European courts, only to obtain the European Commission’s acceptance of the Reconstruction Plan but also to prevent a motion being filed with the CJEU to impose financial sanctions for failing to implement the measures.

15 September 2021

Serhii Lashyn

Court without a Head

On 16 October 2021, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine will celebrate its 25th anniversary. The Court’s anniversary falls in the middle of a constitutional crisis of unprecedented scale and with no clear prospects of solution.

Über Afghanistan, Deutschland und wer wem was schuldig ist

Maximilian Steinbeis

While they are still alive

On Afghanistan, Germany, and who owes what to whom

09 September 2021

Shamshad Pasarlay

Fatal Non-Evolution

Like all constitutions, the Afghan Constitution was imperfect. As is so often the case, its imperfections were necessary short-term fixes to settle immediate problems at the time of the constitutional founding. I will discuss two critically important features of the Constitution—ones that in 2004 were essential to ensure the short-term survival of the Afghan state, but which the framers themselves recognized would need to be modified in the medium to long-term. Over time, these once necessary but ultimately problematic elements in the Constitution remained uncorrected, impeded government performance and destroyed the popular legitimacy of the government.

07 September 2021

Ruth Janal

Eyes Wide Open

The Digital Services Act must confront a gordian knot of fundamental rights and public interests with respect to various affected actors. To be effective, the new regulation must both consider the current reality of intermediary service provision and provide enough flexibility for future technological developments. It currently falls short of this aim.

Paddy Leerssen

Platform research access in Article 31 of the Digital Services Act

Over the past year, dominant platforms such as Facebook have repeatedly interfered with independent research projects, prompting calls for reform. Platforms are shaping up as gatekeepers not only of online content and commerce, but of research into these phenomena. As self-regulation flounders, researchers are hopeful for Article 31 of the proposed Digital Services Act, on “Data Access and Scrutiny” - a highly ambitious tool to compel access to certain data, but researchers also need a shield to protect them against interference with their independent projects.

Saskia Stucki, Guillaume Futhazar, Tom Sparks, Erik Tuchtfeld, Hannah Foehr

World Lawyers’ Pledge on Climate Action

The world is facing climate emergency, one of a series of overlapping and mutually reinforcing environmental crises. In 2017, more than 15,000 scientists from 184 countries signed the World Scientists’ Warning to Humanity, urging the world to take immediate action against the current trajectory of catastrophic climate change. We, as concerned lawyers, have heard the world scientists’ call, and believe it is time for the legal community at large to organize and join the global fight against climate change.

06 September 2021

Hannah Ruschemeier

On judicial review and constitutional plumbing

Maximilian Steinbeis

Lean Authoritarianism

Über justizielle Kontrolle und inkrementelle Verfassungsklempnerei

Suzanne Vergnolle

Enforcement of the DSA and the DMA

In trying to overcome the cross-border enforcement’s pitfalls of the GDPR, the Commission’s proposals for a Digital Services Act and Digital Markets Act are largely expanding the Commission’s enforcement powers. Unfortunately, what is touted as a solution for cross-border enforcement issues, might lead to new difficulties and challenges due to the risks of the centralization of power with the Commission.

Mark Tushnet

Has the U.S. Supreme Court Effectively Overruled Roe v. Wade?

Late in the evening of September 1 the U.S. Supreme Court issued an order that many critics have described as effectively overruling Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision holding that the U.S. Constitution protected a woman’s right to choose to have an abortion. That description, though technically inaccurate, does capture something important about the Court’s order: It made abortions unavailable as a practical matter for many women in Texas who would have had access to abortion services had the Court issued a different order.

Peter Picht

Private Enforcement for the DSA/DGA/DMA Package

The package consisting of the Digital Markets Act, the Digital Services Act, and the Data Governance Act is about empowering authorities vis-à-vis powerful private market players. Private enforcement is absent in this package, despite its great potential: By engaging in rule enforcement, individuals and companies help to confine key market players’ (unlawful use of) economic power, while also counterbalancing a tendency for state agencies to become the sole decision makers on when and how to sanction what they consider undue conduct.

02 September 2021

Inge Graef

Why End-User Consent Cannot Keep Markets Contestable

A central source of Big Tech gatekeepers’ power is their encompassing access to individuals’ personal data. The prohibition of Article 5(a) of the proposed Digital Markets Act, therefore, is a welcome attempt to limit the private power over data held by gatekeeping platforms. However, end-user consent cannot be regarded as an adequate safeguard for keeping data-driven markets competitive.

Herbert Zech

General and specific monitoring obligations in the Digital Services Act

The Digital Services Act contains regulation that does not directly interfere with platforms’ freedom to operate but indirectly creates incentives for their handling of risk-aware behaviour, for example, towards personality right violations. Within the context of general and specific monitoring obligations in the Act, in particular, indirect regulation can encourage innovative and pragmatic decision-making, although further guardrails are necessary.

General Prosecutor, the Supreme Leader of the Slovak Republic?

On 31 August 2021, General Prosecutor of the Slovak Republic annulled charges against former director of the Slovak Secret Service and four other high-profile individuals held in custody due to corruption allegations. Many Slovak politicians have clearly become accustomed to the GP/SP serving as a crucial line of defence against undesired effects of the justice system. The 7-year term conferred on the GP in a secret vote by MPs is meant to enhance his or her independence. In practice, the length of the term and near irremovability has more often than not protected the GP from accountability for their actions.

01 September 2021

Naomi Appelman, , Ronan Fahy

Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation

Under EU law, platforms presently have no obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their terms and conditions. The Digital Services Act seeks to change this in its draft Article 12, however, there has been severe criticism on its meagre protection. As it stands and until courts intervene, the provision is too vague and ambiguous to effectively support the application of fundamental rights.

Rupprecht Podszun

Private enforcement and the Digital Markets Act

For the Digital Markets Act to function properly – that is, to dismantle overwhelming private power – enforcement capacities of private actors should be strengthened at the outset: Competitors and customers should be integrated into the enforcement system as complainants, informants and litigants. The digital giants will not tumble because of government intervention but because of innovative competitors and stronger customers that can rely on the framework set by governments. Private power needs to be cured with private empowerment.

Our People

On Afghanistan, Germany, the Foreign and the Interior

Maximilian Steinbeis

In his Opinion of 8 July 2021 in Case C-132/20 Getin Noble Bank, AG Bobek advised the Court of Justice to find admissible a national request for a preliminary ruling originating from an individual who was appointed to Poland’s Supreme Court on the back of manifest and grave irregularities. In this specific case, contrary to the position of AG Bobek, we submit that the ECJ must find the request inadmissible as the referring individual cannot be considered a tribunal established by law.

Charles Girard

Lessons from the French Citizens’ Climate Convention

On July 6, the French Prime Minister announced that the government was abandoning the bill to enshrine in the Constitution the preservation of the environment. He invoked the Senate's inertia to justify renouncing the bill, which needed to be adopted in the same terms by the two houses of parliament. The climate referendum that had been announced by the President of the Republic in December 2020 was thus abandoned. The decision was not a surprise, as many doubted the political feasibility or the actual willingness to implement it.

23 Juli 2021

Tobias Lock

Towards a Radical Revision of the Northern Ireland Protocol?

The UK Government’s Command Paper released on 21 July 2021 urges a renegotiation of the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, which forms part of the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement. The EU has already indicated that a renegotiation is out of the question. In fact, this blog post argues that it would be constitutionally impossible for the EU to agree to the UK’s proposals without agreeing to a radical revision of the Protocol that would endanger the achievement of its overall aims. In addition, the invocation of Article 16 (the safeguards clause) as discussed in the Command Paper would not resolve the underlying issues either and the UK Government knows this. But that leaves the question: What is the Command Paper really about?

Lucia Leontiev

A new chance for democracy in Moldova

On 11 July 2021, Moldovans elected the 11th legislature of the country and, for the first time, voted overwhelmingly for a pro-Western political party. The results are proof of a high desire for change in Moldova, and a reorientation towards Europe. The elections came after a months-long tug of war between the pro-Western and the Socialist political forces, involving attempts by both parties to politicize the Constitutional Court and the Central Electoral Commission.

20 Juli 2021

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

Does Where You (Legally) Stand Depend On Where You Sit?

Ende Juni löste eine in Berlin lebende Frau einen Polizeieinsatz aus, weil sie bei hochsommerlichen Temperaturen am Wasserspielplatz „Plansche“ im Plänterwald mit freiem Oberkörper ruhte und ihre Brust auf Aufforderung der Parkaufseher hin nicht bedecken wollte. Das Argument, sie wolle mit Männern mit freiem Oberköper gleichbehandelt werden, wurde nicht akzeptiert. Ist ein Polizeieinsatz wegen einer unbedeckten weiblichen Brust an einem öffentlich zugänglichen Wasserspielplatz mit Liegewiese im Park eine staatlich zu verantwortende gleichheitswidrige Sexualisierung der weiblichen Brust?

An Ordinary Result for the Rule of Law

Late on Wednesday 7 July, former South African President Jacob Zuma turned himself in to police. He thus just about complied with the Constitutional Court’s judgment on 29 June, which found him in contempt of court and sentenced him to 15 months’ imprisonment. This is not a victory for the rule of law. It simply is the rule of law.

Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen, Mikael Rask Madsen, Henrik Palmer Olsen

The Limits of Indirect Deterrence of Asylum Seekers

The ECtHR judgment M.A. v. Denmark is significant for several reasons. Firstly, because it adds to an already growing international criticism of Denmark’s asylum and immigration policy. Secondly, because the judgment helps clarify the Court’s position on an issue, family reunification for refugees, where case law has hitherto been somewhat ambiguous, and where several European States have introduced new restrictions since 2015. Third, and finally, the judgment represents – to paraphrase Harold Koh - another “way station…in the complex enforcement” of migrant and refugee rights by international human rights institutions.

09 Juli 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Normale Zeiten

Über Pandemie, Asyl, Afghanistan, Fluchthilfe, Sonnencreme und den Drang, in Ruhe gelassen zu werden

Maximilian Steinbeis

On the US Supreme Court and why something needs to be done

Maximilian Steinbeis

A few weeks after the ECtHR first stepped into the ring for the fight against rule of law backsliding in Poland via its Xero Flor judgment, it has now dealt a new blow to the Polish judicial reforms. In its Broda and Bojara ruling, the issue at hand was not the composition of the Constitutional Court, but the termination of judges’ mandates as court (vice) president. In its judgment, the Court showed once more its commitment to the safeguarding of domestic judges and the procedural protection they should enjoy. Yet, one can wonder whether the judgment will really have an impact and if it is not too little too late.

Oblique Strategies

On June 25, 2021 Hungary’s two top judges – the president of the Constitutional Court, Tamás Sulyok and the chief justice of the Kúria, András Varga Zs. – warned attendants of a conference on the Fundamental Law of an impending constitutional coup. They were addressing the nation’s legal elite – including the speaker of the Parliament, the Minister of Justice and the Prosecutor in Chief – on the premises of the Kúria. The guardians of the Fundamental Law activated the language of militant democracy ahead of the 2022 elections.

26 Juni 2021

Timur Husein

Scheitert „Deutsche Wohnen & Co enteignen“ an ungültigen Stimmen?

Gestern, am 25. Juni, endete die Sammelfrist des Volksbegehrens „Deutsche Wohnen & Co enteignen“. Beim Zwischenstand waren von insgesamt rund 197.000 abgegebenen Unterschriften fast 30% ungültig. Der häufigste Grund: die fehlende deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit der Unterschreibenden. Doch ist das Berliner Volksbegehren „Deutsche Wohnen & Co enteignen“ nur für Deutsche, die in Berlin wohnen, zulässig?

Is UEFA on “the Other Side of the Rainbow”?

UEFA's stance on the rainbow flag has generated attention around the world. The disciplinary proceedings against Manuel Neuer by UEFA show: sport governing bodies still massively limit the freedom of political expressions by the athletes during big sporting events.

Lorenzo Gradoni

Unpersuasive but Wise

On 16 June, by two parallel orders, the EU Court of Justice said the last word on the legality of advocate general Sharpston’s divestment. In the end, the Court did little more than reiterate the press statement it made in response to the member states’ declaration on the subject. The member states made a legitimate decision based on an old custom, and the Court could do nothing but oblige.

Oliver Garner

European data protection law has become (in-)famously known as one of the main tools for both the European legislature and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to push the boundaries of European integration. The most recent decision of the Court in Case C-645/19, 15 June 2021 – Facebook Ireland continues this well-established tradition. What may at first glance appear as a rather technical ruling might initiate a hidden revolution and lead to an unprecedented step for the ever-closer integration of the EU’s legal order.

16 Juni 2021

Carissima Mathen, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #60: Jetzt also auch in Kanada?

Kanada, die andere große Demokratie in Nordamerika, wo es so viel friedlicher, freundlicher und, ja, demokratischer zugeht als drunten in den USA – sollte man meinen. Aber im größten Bundesstaat Ontario gibt es einen Regierungschef namens Doug Ford, der gelegentlich mit Donald Trump verglichen wird und jetzt etwas ganz Außerordentliches getan hat: Kurzerhand lies er durch Parlamentsbeschluss ein Gerichtsurteil suspendieren, das ein von seiner Mehrheit im Parlament in Toronto beschlossenes Gesetz zur Wahlkampffinanzierung für verfassungswidrig erklärt hatte. So etwas geht in Kanada. Über die so genannte Notwithstanding Clause in der kanadischen Verfassung, die genau das ermöglicht, spricht Max Steinbeis mit CARISSIMA MATHEN, Professorin für Verfassungsrecht an der Universität von Ottawa.

Merijn Chamon

A Hollow Threat

On 10 June, the European Parliament passed a resolution on the application of the Conditionality Regulation and threatens to take the EU Commission to Court. However, the very peculiar ‘action for failure to act’ set out in Article 265 TFEU is not an appropriate procedure to solve the problem at issue. The Parliament should employ the more political means at its disposal to tackle a problem that is ultimately political in nature.

Hans Petter Graver

The Demise of Viking and Laval

In Viking and Laval, the ECJ reduced the right of trade unions to take collective action and made it subject to the requirements of the four freedoms, effectively undermining its recognition as a fundamental right according to EU law. This sent shockwaves through the trade unions of Europe. In its recent Holship ruling, the ECtHR has challenged this, with potentially wide-reaching implications for the relationship between the human rights and EU fundamental freedoms, seen from the perspective of Strasbourg.

15 Juni 2021

Christina Eckes

The Courts Strike Back

The Shell case, decided by the Hague District Court on 26 May 2021, is part of a growing body of climate cases. What the Shell case does is that it liberates the political-decision maker from the suffocating grip of investor state dispute settlement mechanisms, in particular the mechanism under the Energy Charter Treaty.

Andrii Nekoliak

No Country for ‘Old Men’

On 2 June 2021, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky submitted a bill on the status of oligarchs before the Ukrainian parliament. The bill would have wide-ranging implications. It does not only provide a definition of who counts as an oligarch but also provides measures to reduce the influence of oligarchs in media and public life.

From Russia with Love

On 15 June, the Hungarian Parliament is expected to vote on a legislative package on stricter actions against paedophile offenders. Attached to this noble cause, the ruling party seeks to prohibit the “representation” and “promotion” of LGBTI identities to minors. The proposal would outlaw almost any mention of sexual and gender minorities in schools.

Ioannis Kampourakis

The Power of Open Norms

In a judgement of 26 May, the District Court of the Hague found that Royal Dutch Shell has an “individual responsibility” to limit its carbon emissions by at least 45 percent by 2030. Notable about the ruling is the unwritten standard of care functioning as an open norm, facilitating the accountability of private power. The openness of legal categories not only entails a potential to drive forward social change, but it also implicitly highlights the political role and nature of private law.

14 Juni 2021

Aeyal Gross

On fear, complacency, and wild, remote regions

Maximilian Steinbeis

Was weiß ich denn schon über Kaschmir?

Über Angst und Zufriedenheit und wilde, entfernte Gegenden

Thu Nguyen

A Matter of Principle

On 9 June 2021, the European Commission announced that it is bringing an infringement procedure against Germany for breach of fundamental principles of EU law. The procedure is less about the possible outcomes and more a matter of principle. By launching it, the Commission is emphasizing the notion of equality between the member states.

Makau Mutua

Kenya and the BBI Five

On May 13 this year, a five-judge bench of the Kenya High Court struck down a state effort to amend Kenya’s 2010 Constitution. The ruling was a shocker when it came down. Will the Court of Appeal rescue or sink President Kenyatta?

Bringing a Knife to a Gunfight

On 10 June 2021, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on the Rule of Law situation in the European Union and the application of the Conditionality Regulation. In this Resolution, the European Parliament expresses its concerns about the regression of the democratic situation in several member States and regrets the inaction of other institutions, notably the Council and the Commission.

10 Juni 2021

Constitutional Triumph or Constitutional Aberration?

The Kenyan Hight Court's incorporation of the basic structure doctrine into the Kenyan constitutional framework has been generally received as a cause for celebration among constitutional scholars. This article, however, calls for some restraint in the growing scholarly celebration of efforts to expand the basic structure doctrine.

09 Juni 2021

Florian Kriener, , Alina Maria Ripplinger

Nicaragua’s Electoral Counter-Reform

On 4 May 2021, the Nicaraguan National Assembly adopted an electoral reform. Alongside other legislative acts that limit civil society’s operating space, the electoral reform not only sets a gloomy outlook for presidential elections scheduled in Nicaragua for November this year. The reform also violates Inter-American democratic standards as it severely restricts the independence of political parties and leaves the Supreme Electoral Council under significant influence of Nicaragua’s governing party and president.

Felix Ekardt

Debatten über Parteiausschlüsse und andere parteiordnungsrechtliche Maßnahmen nehmen zurzeit einen breiten Raum in der öffentlichen Debatte ein. Der konkrete Umgang mit Ausreißern, wie der WerteUnion oder Boris Palmer, könnte für die jeweiligen Parteien mehr Folgen haben, als ihnen bewusst sein dürfte.

07 Juni 2021

Maximilian Beyer, Sangeeta Mahapatra, Matthias C. Kettemann

Fighting Platforms and the People, not the Pandemic

To control social media-driven criticism against its handling of the COVID-19 crisis, the Indian government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, can now take advantage of new powers via the Information Technology Rules 2021. These Rules empower the Modi government to counter disinformation, whose definition seems to have been stretched to include content that portrays the government negatively. How Big Tech platforms react will have a domino effect on users’ freedom of expression and right to privacy across the world.

04 Juni 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

After he’s gone

Bibi's fall and how to find back from authoritarian populism to democratic politics

Maximilian Steinbeis

Politics in the Pacific island state of Samoa rarely attract international attention. Last week, however, Samoa grabbed global headlines as two leaders each claimed the Prime Ministership after a closely contested election. The constitutional issues surrounding this crises are complex and growing in number by the day.

Monika Zalnieriute

Procedural Fetishism and Mass Surveillance under the ECHR

On 25th May 2021, the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR ruled in the case Big Brother Watch v. UK that some aspects of the UK’s surveillance regime violated Articles 8 and 10 of the ECHR. Big Brother Watch is the first decision on mass surveillance since the Snowden revelations and sets a standard, grounded in “procedural fetishism”, which endorses the legality of bulk surveillance operations.

Elena-Simina T?n?sescu, Bianca Selejan-Gutan

A Tale of Primacy

In its 18 May ruling Asociația „Forumul Judecătorilor din România”, the ECJ took a solid stance on the primacy of EU law by recognizing the binding nature of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism established by the European Commission with respect to Romania in 2007. The judgment is a genuine guide to national courts on applying the primacy of EU law, especially as regards controversial issues such as the judicial independence and rule of law.

01 Juni 2021

Tanmay Singh, Abhinav Sekhri

Über Zittau, Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfungen und woran wir uns gewöhnen können und woran nicht

On May 12, 2021, the UK government published an Action Plan for Animal Welfare setting out reform plans to protect animals both within its borders and overseas. In this plan, the UK government pledges to further steps in its efforts to promote animal welfare and to recognize animals as sentient beings in law. As the ‘Nation of Animal Lovers’ the UK has a comparatively impressive record of animal welfare legislation. Yet, the tone of government communication is tainted by adversity against the EU in the context of Brexit.

How has democracy been impacted by over a year of pandemic response and emergency? How have states ensured the democratic accountability of their actions in response to the global health emergency? What lessons can be learned for now, and for the future? This panel examines democratic practices, and highlights the best – and most concerning – developments.

12 Mai 2021

Radosveta Vassileva

For the last two years, the fight for safeguarding the principle of the rule of law in Poland has been dominated by the ECJ’s case law. During this, the Strasbourg Court has mostly been sitting in the bleachers. Yet, with its Xero Flor judgment of 7 May, it strapped on its gloves and stepped into the ring. It concluded that the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, in its current composition, cannot be seen as a tribunal established by law. The decision will undoubtedly have major political and legal consequences.

Christina Eckes

With a real bang, the German Federal Constitutional Court has adjudicated what is probably the most far-reaching decision ever made by a supreme court worldwide on climate protection. This does not preclude the fact that the decision also has considerable weaknesses.

Konrad Lachmayer

Muddling through Mutation Times or the Return of Federalism in Austria

While the Austrian government´s reactions during the first wave of Covid-19 in spring 2020 are considered to have been successful, disillusionment followed in the fall 2020 with a second wave, for which the government did not seem to have prepared properly. The third period (January to April 2021), on which I will focus in this blog entry, shows a mixed performance of the government.

Earlier this year, the Parliament of the Autonomous Community of Galicia, Spain, amended the regional Health Act of Galicia to introduce, inter alia, the possibility to impose administrative fines on people who ‘unjustifiably refuse’ to comply with an order to be vaccinated against a given disease. This is the first-ever explicit legislative provision in Spain setting out sanctions for those opposing vaccination. On 21 April, the Spanish Constitutional Tribunal declared an unconstitutionality appeal against the reform of the HAG admissible.

Arianna Vedaschi

COVID-19 and Emergency Powers in Western European Democracies: Trends and Issues

Domestic emergency powers resorted to in the Covid-19 crisis are very different from each other. Is it possible to identify common trends in the comparative scenario? Limiting the scope of the analysis to democratic countries of the Western European area, at least four different tendencies can be identified.

04 Mai 2021

Xin He

Über Regelkreise, Klimawandel und das Bundesverfassungsgericht

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ok, Boomer

On control loops, climate change and the Federal Constitutional Court

Matthias Goldmann

Judges for Future

The judgment of 29 April 2021 quashing parts of the Climate Protection Act (CPA) has made history. Not only because the First Senate of the BVerfG put an end to deferring the reduction of greenhouse gasses to the future, or at least to the next government. But because this turn to the future came in the form of a turn to international law and institutions. It is precisely by relying on international law that the court overcomes the counter-majoritarian difficulty commonly tantalizing climate litigation and human rights law generally. The most astonishing fact is, however, that the court entirely avoids the tragic choice between supposedly undemocratic international commitments and the democratic legislature. I argue that it does so by approaching constitutional law in a decidedly postcolonial perspective.

29 April 2021

Anna-Julia Saiger

The Constitution Speaks in the Future Tense

Who ought to decide on climate issues? Now, the Constitutional Court has decided. It held that the provisions of the Federal Climate Protection Act are “incompatible with fundamental rights insofar as they lack sufficient specifications for further emission reductions from 2031 onwards”. This decision is extraordinary in many ways: in its interpretation of the constitutional obligation to protect the environment (art. 20a of the Basic Law) as much as in its commitment to international cooperation and international law in climate issues. From this decision on, the German constitution will speak in the future tense.

Between European Commitment and ‘Taking the Law Seriously’

On 27 April 2021, the Constitutional Law Committee of the Finnish Parliament adopted its much-awaited opinion on the EU’s Own Resources Decision. It established that its approval requires a qualified majority and thus a significant bulk of votes from the opposition, which has been highly critical of the package. Now, for many MPs, the situation creates an impossible dilemma between their European commitment and taking the law seriously.

After Orbán

With a view to the 2022 elections, there is a serious contradiction in Hungarian public opinion: There should be a regime change away from Orbán's Fidesz, but the Basic Law, which they have undermined and weaponized, should not be touched. This will not work. In any case, it is necessary to get rid of the present Hungarian constitution.

Nerima Were, Allan Maleche, Tara Imalingat

COVID-19 in Kenya a Year Later: A Case of Déjà Vu

What began as a health crisis quickly morphed into an economic, human rights and governance upheaval. In March 2021, we came full circle as we saw a return to excessive law enforcement in the country on account of the third wave of the virus, which has led to a surge in the number of people testing positive and thrown the country back into a state of disarray as poorly resourced health facilities grapple with the influx of cases.

28 April 2021

Raluca Bejan, Manuela Boatc?

Migrant Workers’ Safety Concerns Should be a Pandemic Priority

In the second year of the pandemic, migrant workers continue to work under precarious conditions, exacerbated by the additional risks associated with Covid-19. Social security assistance in Germany, including health care provisions, requires a minimum of 70 working days before employers are required to contribute. During last year’s agricultural season, the German government raised this minimum to 115 days. This made healthcare the responsibility of one’s country of citizenship, not of one’s employer. This year, in April 2021, the German farming industry has successfully pressured the government to re-extend this provision to 102 days.

Beatrice Monciunskaite

The COVID-19 Crisis in Latvia

The government response to COVID-19 in Latvia can be characterised as one of legal caution. Even though successive states of emergency have been used to manage the crisis, adequate parliamentary and judicial oversight has resulted in broadly proportional handling of the pandemic.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov, Aleksejs Dimitrovs

Solving the Copenhagen Dilemma

By proclaiming an entirely new ‘non-regression’ principle in EU law based on the connection between Articles 49 TEU (EU Enlargement) and 2 TEU (EU values, referred to from Art. 49), the Court of Justice achieved huge progress in addressing a well-known lacuna undermining the EU legal order. The ‘non-regression’ principle is a new important direction in the notable fight for the EU rule of law started with the discovery of EU competence in, in particular, the area of judicial independence and the organization of the judiciaries in the EU Member States.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

How the EU is Becoming a Rule-of-Law-less Union of States

The most recent attempt by Poland's executive to undermine the very foundations of the Union legal order speaks volumes about how far the politics of resentment have come since 2015. With the Constitutional Tribunal about to hand the government its desired excuse to ignore interim measures of the Court of Justice of the European Union, a point of no return might have been reached. This new phase sees the dismantling of the rule of law on the domestic front being reinforced, aided and abetted now by the legitimizing inaction and/or spineless bargaining at … the supranational level. The EU through its institutions is playing the game according to the rules dictated by the smart autocrats.

27 April 2021

Daniel Holznagel

Ireland cannot do it alone

Due diligence obligations for online platforms are probably the most relevant aspect of the European Commission’s proposal for a Digital Services Act (DSA). However, the DSA's proposed oversight structure is based on the country of origin approach, which has proven difficult in the past. An alternative oversight model which would allow for all Member States, especially the ones who are willing and capable to spend resources to contribute to the oversight over very large platforms, is preferable.

Hanno Kube

A Relieving Decision

With its interim decision of 15 April 2021, the German Federal Constitutional Court has paved the way for ratification of the 2020 Own Resources Decision by the German side. At the same time, the Court shows that it will apply the well-known constitutional standards in the main proceedings, possibly – this is only a guess – concentrated on the ultra vires review, which allows the all-important dialogue with the ECJ to continue in the framework of a preliminary ruling procedure.

Nika Ba?i? Selanec

Martin Nettesheim

Greatness and Tragedy

The "Next Generation EU" project (NGEU) will lead to a fundamental change in the architecture, political structure, and “finalité” of the integration process. In its scope and depth, it is even comparable to the Maastricht reform. Against this background, should and could the German Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfG) step in to protect Germany´s "constitutional identity"?

Am 3. April ist endlich das Gesetz gegen Rechtsextremismus und Hasskriminalität in Kraft getreten. Vorfrage und Grundlage dieser rechtlichen Regelung ist die verfassungsrechtliche Abwägung, die es überhaupt erst erlaubt, eine Meinungsäußerung unter Strafe zu stellen – oder gar, noch weitergehend, eine Pflicht zu etablieren, Meinungsäußerungen an die Strafverfolgungsbehörden zu melden. In dieser Abwägung zwischen Meinungsfreiheit und würdebasiertem Persönlichkeitsrecht bildet jedoch die Gleichheit, die bei der beleidigenden Hassrede eine große Rolle spielt, eine seltsame Leerstelle.

19 April 2021

Karsten Schubert

On criticism, respect and the rent cap decision of the Bundesverfassungsgericht

Maximilian Steinbeis

Kein Anlass zur Schonung

Über Kritik und Respekt und den Mietendeckelbeschluss des Bundesverfassungsgerichts

Colm O'Cinneide

The UK’s Post-Brexit ‘Constitutional Unsettlement’

The tortuous process of Brexit is complete. The UK has left the EU, and Boris Johnson and the Conservative party now enjoy a commanding majority in the House of Commons after several years of unstable minority governments. However, Brexit has opened up a number of constitutional fault-lines, which have not closed with UK departure from the EU: indeed, if anything, they have continued to widen. This has accelerated a process that had started even before the ‘Leave’ vote in the June 2016 referendum - namely the ‘unsettling’ of the once famously stable British constitutional order.

Asylai Akisheva

Women’s Rights in the New Kyrgyz Constitution

On April 11, 2021, Kyrgyzstan held a referendum on the adoption of 81 amendments to its Constitution, which almost amounts to an entirely new Constitution. Setting aside all the numerous procedural violations of the constitutional law, in conjunction, the separate provisions of the new Constitution risk becoming a regressive tool that could suppress the position of women in Kyrgyzstan.

Hans Petter Graver

The Norwegian Pandemic Response

One year into the pandemic it is necessary to take stock of what has been achieved by the measures that have been implemented, and to reflect on their costs. Phrased differently, how successful have the authorities been in their endeavors to contain and control the spread of COVID-19? And from a legal point of view, what are the constitutional and cultural legacies of a year of deploying war-like measures against the virus? In this contribution to the symposium, I revisit the Norwegian COVID-19 response. In particular, I begin to unpack the narrative of success and its impact on deliberative democratic discourse. I do this by way of taking stock of the response through the lens of three rule of law indicators, namely the application of the principle of legality, the degree of parliamentary control, and adherence to open and democratic principles of rule-making.

15 April 2021

, Filipp Ruzin

China’s National People’s Congress and Standing Committee of the NPC decided in March 2021 to transform Hong Kong’s political system. Within a couple of months, the Hong Kong government will pass local laws to enable elections for a reconfigured Election Committee and Legislative Council to be held, respectively, in September and December 2021, ahead of the Chief Executive election in March 2022. Are the political reforms justified? In examining this question, I consider the aims of the reforms, their implications, and whether they are necessary and reasonable. Overall, I have doubts whether all the reforms are necessary and proportionate to achieving their intended aims.

Lasse Schuldt

The rebirth of Malaysia’s fake news law – and what the NetzDG has to do with it

On 11 March 2021, the Government of Malaysia issued the Emergency (Essential Powers) (No. 2) Ordinance 2021. It criminalizes the dissemination of fake news related to COVID-19 and is an aggravated reincarnation of the country’s repealed Anti-Fake News Act of 2018. More importantly, from a German perspective, it continues the trend of anti-fake news legislation that is mistakenly associated with the German Network Enforcement Act, which has become the involuntary godmother of several such laws around the world, lending legitimacy to the global war on fake news.

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

A Year in Review: COVID-19 in Israel

Israel’s response to the pandemic took place in an unstable and highly polarized political climate. This affected the decisions taken in several ways. First, throughout the crisis, it was difficult to achieve agreement within the government on required actions. In addition, decisions often reflected political rather than professional considerations, a problem that was exacerbated by the instability of the coalition. The prospect of additional elections also effected the political will to enforce restrictions, in particular in the Ultra-Orthodox sector, as Ultra-Orthodox parties are perceived by Netanyahu as necessary partners in any government coalition.

Eddie Bruce-Jones

The United Kingdom on Race

The United Kingdom’s Commission on Ethnic and Racial Disparities, has recently published a report, which has been widely discredited since its launch by charities, education unions, academics and politicians. Using the UK’s progressive track record of legal provisions on racial discrimination, the report moves to obscure racism’s systemic aspects. There is a profound disconnect between the theory of the UK’s legal protections against racism and the lived reality of race in Britain, which reveals race as an important and persistent determinant of social experience.

12 April 2021

Is Compulsory Vaccination Compulsory?

On Thursday 8 April 2021, the European Court of Human Rights delivered its judgment in Vavřička and others v. the Czech Republic. The Grand Chamber ruled strongly (16:1) in favour of the Czech government, granting the state a wide margin of appreciation in the assessment of the need for compulsory vaccination of children. In light of the COVID-related challenges, it is important that the Court took a clear stance regarding the importance of vaccination. At the same time, however, it is regrettable that the Court did not offer a stronger and more coherent reasoning justifying its value-driven decision.

On human rights, utopia and who gets to be a member of the European demos and who doesn't

Maximilian Steinbeis

Nicht jeder Mensch

Über Menschenrechte, Utopien und wer zum Europäischen Demos dazugehört und wer nicht

Francesco Palermo, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #59: Föderalismus – Teil des Problems oder Teil der Lösung?

Der Föderalismus hat in Zeiten der Corona-Pandemie in der deutschen Öffentlichkeit nicht die beste Presse. Die Ministerpräsidentenkonferenz ist mittlerweile zum Sinnbild deutscher Uneinigkeit und Unentschlossenheit geworden. Sehnsucht nach zentralistischer Machtkonzentration gab es schon immer; in Krisenzeiten werden die Stimmen aber lauter. Was ist dran an der aktuellen Föderalismusskepsis? Was funktioniert in anderen Bundesstaaten besser und warum? Haben zentralistisch organisierte Staaten wirklich ein besseres Krisenmanagement? Darüber spricht Max Steinbeis mit FRANCESCO PALERMO, Professor für Vergleichendes Verfassungsrecht an der Universität Verona und Leiter des Instituts für Föderalismusforschung am EURAC Research Center in Bozen.

Shaheera Syed, Nadia Tariq-Ali

Democratic Deficits of COVID-19 Crisis in Pakistan

The ‘lives versus livelihood’ conundrum in Pakistan is emblematic of the difficulties that accompany the balancing of conflicting rights in transitioning democracies. From testing the ability of various tiers of the government machinery to work together to keeping the economy afloat as the country faced lockdowns, Pakistan deeply felt the onset of the burden of disease. The country’s journey through the pandemic was shrouded in deep political contestations over power struggle between the provinces and the centre. As the crisis deepened in mid-2020, the social policies for pandemic response became the site for centralising authority; where trade-offs were made between fundamental rights and well-being of citizens to draw political mileage and cementing the narrative of the centre.

08 April 2021

Valentin Feneberg, Paul Pettersson

Kollektive Gefährdungslage Corona

Die Auswirkungen der Corona-Pandemie auf die Lebenssituation in Afghanistan sind derzeit unter den Verwaltungsgerichten heftig umstritten. Dabei wird die kol-lektive Gefährdungslage junger, alleinstehender Männer uneinheitlich bewertet, abhängig von den jeweiligen Annahmen der Gerichte zur zeitlichen Dimension der Krise sowie ihrer Kompensation durch humanitäre Unterstützung. Die Afghanis-tan-Entscheidungen führen damit zwei grundlegende Probleme der deutschen Asyl-rechtsprechung vor Augen: Die Uneinheitlichkeit bei der Bewertung vergleichbarer Fallkonstellationen und die Defizite bei herkunftslandbezogener Tatsachenfeststel-lung.

Seokmin Lee, Tae-Ho Kim

South Korea’s Combating COVID-19 Under the Rule of Law

South Korea has reduced the significant number of new confirmed COVID-19 cases without ordering stringent restrictions, nor locking down regions and causing severe economic damage. South Korea was able to slow down the spread of COVID-19 along with the government’s quick reaction to the disease. The government has been implementing nationwide free public testing programs. The KCDC in the government tracked all the confirmed cases’ geographic footprints and publicized the information to the people via online websites and mobile texts. Local cities opened up an innovative ‘drive-through’ testing area, which became a model followed by other countries. The civil society has also generally followed the guidelines provided by government, including using medical face masks and adapting to ‘social-distancing.

07 April 2021

Michele Massa

The recent jurisprudence of Hungarian apex courts based on changes inserted into the Hungarian Fundamental Law of 2011, and the provisions of the 2013 Civil Code on “violating the dignity of the Hungarian nation” set a dangerous precedent that could be broadly applied against critics of the government, aka the EU’s first electoral autocracy. The present blog post critically analyses a judgment of the Hungarian Supreme Court (Kúria) of March 2021, which is highly likely to produce a chilling effect.

03 April 2021

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

From Captured State to Captive Mind

Finding two history professors guilty of allegedly defaming the good name of an individual by researching his alleged role in the Holocaust must not be treated as yet another run-of-the-mill litigation instigated by a relative concerned about a tarnished good name. Rather, Poland seems to be entering an unchartered territory of settling the score by way of the long arm of the law. The sacred dignity of the Polish nation hidden under the convenient argument from protecting the “good name” of individuals takes center stage and overshadows the need to have a robust historical discourse.

02 April 2021

Johannes Gallon

Ganz so einfach ist es nicht

Im politischen Berlin steigt die Unzufriedenheit über die Pandemiebekämpfung der Länder. Die Koordination zwischen Bund und Ländern im Rahmen der Bund-Länder-Konsultationen ist nicht transparent und wird als zunehmend dysfunktional wahrgenommen (Stichwort verlängerte Osterruhe). Eine einfache Lösung scheint nun auf der Hand zu liegen: Pandemiebekämpfung durch den Bund, Erlass von Rechtsverordnungen durch die Bundesregierung. Ein Blick in die verfassungsrechtlichen und einfachgesetzlichen Grundlagen zeigt: ohne Zusammenwirken von Bundestag, Bundesregierung und Landesregierungen wird es auch in Zukunft nicht gehen.

01 April 2021

Samo Bardutzky, Bojan Bugaric,

Slovenian Constitutional Hardball

There is a lot of speculation whether Slovenia might be the third EU Member State to join Hungary and Poland in their specific view of the rule of law. Does the current Slovenian government present a threat to constitutional democracy? Lacking a convincing majority in the Parliament and facing other veto points, the Slovenian government uses tactics of constitutional hardball in order to disrupt the existing norms of the constitutional order.

31 März 2021

Gareth Davies

Principled Generosity Mixed with Unmanaged Market

The EU is experiencing internal dissatisfaction at its inability to supply Member States with enough Covid-19 vaccines, while other countries – notably the UK – are racing ahead of it towards the end of the pandemic. Much criticism of the EU is unfair. It is being compared with countries that have shown more brutal and unashamed vaccine nationalism, but it should be proud that it has not gone down this path. By contrast, its role as global and regional vaccine supplier should not hide the fact that it has been too slow to recognize that vaccine sales cannot be left to the free market, while the Member States should not be allowed to hide their absence of leadership, initiative or organization behind critique of the EU.

Thomas Adams

Consent to Govern

One of the biggest difficulties associated with understanding the constitutional position of the monarch in the United Kingdom has to do with the fact that they are simultaneously three things: the head of an institution, a symbol and a person with private interests. All three of these aspects have combined in recent revelations surrounding the constitutional requirement of Queen’s (or Royal) Consent, revelations that cast considerable doubt on the place of that practice in the contemporary constitutional landscape.

30 März 2021

Pablo Grez Hidalgo

Hercules comes to Scotland

In a landmark case, the Outer House of the Court of Session in Scotland on 24 March 2021 declared that the closure of worship places in Scotland was a disproportionate interference with the right to freedom of religion and freedom of assembly under article 9(2) and 11 of the European Convention of Human Rights. The judgment is as an example of anxious scrutiny in judicial review of administrative action in the pandemic context. His consideration of the evidence concerning closure of worship places strikes as well documented and highly demanding assessment. Given the exceptional circumstances in which governments are crafting their emergency responses to the pandemic, pitching proportionality assessments as Lord Braid does is concerning.

Czechs and Balances – One Year Later

This blogpost analyses the Czech situation from the perspective of the rule of law requirements and identifies two main deficiencies: a significant and long-lasting shift of power to the executive, and an ostentatious lack of reasoning of the executive crisis measures. Fortunately, these ‘two tales of executive arrogance’ have been somewhat counterweighed by the legislature and the judiciary.

Valentina Golunova

Seeing through the Eye of God

The messenger app Telegram is swamped with bots which gather and disseminate personal data. Roskomnadzor, Russia’s media watchdog, has just moved to block one of the prominent bots, proudly named ‘Eye of God’. While Telegram bots offer certain positive implications through the newfound transparency they afford, these do not override the tremendous privacy risks posed. But even more importantly, there is little the Russian authorities can do to force Eye of God and other bots to respect the rights of data subjects.

29 März 2021

Aleksandra Gliszczy?ska

This article first analyses the various dimensions of the public health and human rights crisis, in order to identify, secondly, the breadth of the efforts that need to be made for a short- and long-term human rights-based response to COVID-19.

26 März 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Was heißt hier Verzeihung?

Angela Merkel bittet um Entschuldigung. Excuse me?

Maximilian Steinbeis

What Does Forgiveness Mean Anyway?

Angela Merkel asks for forgiveness. Excuse me?

George Peretz

A Shot in the Arm or a Shot in the Foot?

The European Commission’s proposal to impose what was referred to as an “export ban” on exports of COVID-19 vaccines has generated considerable political and social media comment, particularly from the United Kingdom. The measure is (probably) lawful as a matter of international law and is certainly not a breach of the rule of law. But that does not mean that it is wise. Using the EU’s power in this way is a bit like pulling a brick from the tower in the well-known game of Jenga: the risk is that what is already a somewhat rickety tower (the rules-based trading order) will wobble yet further. More immediately, the risk of vaccine nationalism is that other states will retaliate in a negative-sum game.

Bianca Selejan-Gutan

Romania: COVID-19 Response in an Electoral Year

The year 2020 was a difficult one for Romania, as for the whole world, because of the Covid-19 crisis which overlapped with other local crises of political, legal and social natures. The country’s response to the Covid-19 challenges was rendered even more difficult and incoherent by these crises. In February-March 2020, the government and the President were looking for a solution in order to initiate the procedure for early elections and at the very first moments of the pandemic the country had an interim government after a motion of censure had passed.

25 März 2021

Clara Burbano Herrera, Gustavo Prieto

In the midst of this public health emergency, Sri Lanka’s legal system has contributed little if anything to Sri Lanka’s response to Covid-19 since March 2020. The legal system has been expected to and in a large part has in fact been “kept out of the way” of the political actors. In this post I will provide an overview of the GoSL’s legal and political response to Covid-19 and will highlight the implications of key actions on the rule of law and democratic governance. I will thereafter briefly capture the outlook for 2021.

22 März 2021

Teresa Violante

On 11th March 2020 the Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen found herself in a historic moment. The infection numbers in Denmark had dramatically increased within the last 24 hours - from just 157 infected in total on the 10th of March to 514 on March 11th – and a, now well-documented, disagreement between the health authorities and the government on the overall strategy had forced the hand of the Prime Minister to take decisive action. Dressed all in black, the prime minister ceremonially opened the press conference with the, now famous, words: “What I will tell you tonight, will have major implications for all Danes”. Indeed, almost one year from the Prime minister’s public prophecy, we can conclude - it did.

20 März 2021

Marie-Christine Fuchs, Jenny Zamora

Strasbourg and San José Close Ranks

Both in Latin America and in Europe, judicial independence is under increasing attack. What has been the position of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and of the European Court of Human Rights in combatting undue interference in the work of judges and prosecutors? And does their jurisprudence “cross-fertilize” each other? This article provides a glimpse of some of the judgments on illegitimate restrictions and destitutions of judges issued by the sister courts. This jurisprudence is evidence of an increasingly profound and structural exchange between the I/A Court and the ECHR.

Ciara Staunton

Data Sharing and the Public Interest in a Digital Pandemic*

COVID-19 is our first digital pandemic. An effective response to COVID-19 is reliant on access to data that can be used to identify COVID-19 hotspots, guide national and localised responses, as well as be used in research aimed at developing COVID-19 diagnostics, therapies and vaccines. This digital pandemic has thus seen a shift in our data practices. “Open science” and the rapid data sharing of the results of clinical trials, observational studies, operational research, routine surveillance, information on the virus and its genetic sequences, as well as the monitoring of disease control programmes has been pushed to a new level.

To cope with the COVID-19 crisis, the French Parliament adopted the Act n° 2020-290 creating a new regime of exception: the state of health emergency. It is concerning as it confers more powers and large leeway to the executive branch than the traditional state of security emergency, and as it offers the opportunity to restrict widely rights and liberties with almost no checks and balances.

17 März 2021

David Mead

“Yes, you can… but only if you’re quiet”

The UK is undertaking changes to its ‘law of protest’, which have the capacity drastically to re-orientate the relationship between citizen and state in favour of the latter. The draft Bill takes little or no account of the important role protest plays in a free society and coincides with police officers forcefully breaking up a peaceful vigil to mark the murder of Sarah Everard last week. These images highlight how unbalanced, unnecessary and unprincipled the changes are – many of its planned changes seek to plug non-existent gaps.

Oran Doyle

Pandemic Response as Accentuation of Existing Characteristics: Vague Requirements and Executive Dominance in Ireland

In Ireland, it is not constitutionally permissible to declare an emergency in response to COVID-19. The legal response, therefore, has been mounted within the normal constitutional framework. This has consisted of five primary statutes that (a) empower the Minister for Health to make regulations (secondary legislation) imposing restrictions to control the pandemic and (b) establish enforcement powers that the Minister for Health can attach to particular restrictions. By early March 2021, the Minister had made 74 sets of regulations imposing restrictions.

16 März 2021

Iris Goldner Lang

Vaccination for Vacation

The European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen announced on 1 March that the Commission will put forward a proposal for a “digital green pass” on 17 March, which would enable safe cross-border movement of three categories of individuals: those who have been vaccinated, those who have developed antibodies after recovering from COVID-19 and those who can produce a negative PCR test. This concept could enable individuals to travel across Europe without unduly discriminating citizens. By contrast, "EU vaccination certificates" would violate EU law and unduly discriminate citizens.

Stefan Thierse

On paradigm change, generational change, antitrust law, and Amazon

Maximilian Steinbeis

Vom Schaffen und Erschlagen von Monstern

Über Paradigmenwechsel, Generationswechsel, Kartellrecht und Amazon

Felipe Oliveira de Sousa

Lula’s Power is Brazil’s Arm

On 8 March 2021, Judge Edson Fachin from the Brazilian Supreme Court made a decision that frees former President Lula from all his convictions. This might decisively affect the course of the next presidential elections in Brazil, in 2022, as it puts former President Lula back in the presidential race. Perhaps even more importantly, its consequences might help in the fight against the Covid-19 crisis in Brazil.

Marzieh Tofighi Darian

Iran’s COVID-19 Response: Who Calls the Shots?

As of January 26, 2021, Iran has reported a total of 57,481 death and more than 1,300,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19, making it the hardest-hit country in the Middle East. After days of denial, Iranian officials finally confirmed the first COVID-19 related death on February 19, 2020. The government’s response in the early days of the pandemic was a preview of what was to come: refusing to quarantine the city of Qom, the first epicenter of COVID in Iran; rejecting the call to postpone the Parliamentary elections; and continuing to receive flights from China, all resulting in the quick spread of the virus across the country.

Merilin Kiviorg,

COVID-19 in Estonia: A Year in Review

The first coronavirus infection in Estonia was diagnosed on 27 February 2020. Immediately, some steps were taken by the Government to deal with the rapidly evolving and changing situation, including placing some restrictions on freedom of movement especially on people in quarantine. To further tackle the emerging crisis the Government established a state of emergency on Estonian territory. This was done by Order No. 76 of 12 March 2020. The numbers of infected in spring 2020 were low in comparison with the numbers of infected during the second wave in autumn-winter 2020. On the day when the emergency situation was declared there were only 27 COVID-19 positive people.

11 März 2021

Ciara Staunton, Melodie Labuschaigne

COVID-19 in South Africa: A Year in Review

On 15 March 2020 with only 61 cases and 0 deaths recorded, President Ramaphosa quickly decided that swift action was required and declared a state of disaster. Despite this quick action, South Africa has recorded the highest number of cases in Africa. This post will consider whether its response has been legitimate, proportionate and subject to appropriate judicial oversight.

Historians on Trial

On 9 February 2021, the District Court in Warsaw ruled that two prominent Holocaust researchers must publicly apologize for statements published in a book about the extermination of Jews in Nazi Germany-occupied Poland during the Second World War. The lawsuit is an example of strategic litigation aimed at intimidating researchers and exercising a chilling effect on the debate in Poland due to the involvement of an organization close to the government and framing of the case in pro-government public and private media. In March, courts in Poland handed judgments in two other important strategic lawsuits brought on criminal charges.

Hungary and the Pandemic: A Pretext for Expanding Power

A year ago, the first lockdowns were introduced in Europe. Since then, European governments have been busy introducing COVID-19 containment measures, including social distancing rules and mask mandates. For two months, they have been vaccinating the people. Ostensibly, the EU countries have taken similar steps. This piece provides a sketch of how the Hungarian government has handled the pandemic.

In spring 2020, Slovakia was praised for minimizing the instances of the COVID-19 pandemic. By early 2021, however, with Slovakia among the top five countries with the highest increase of COVID-19-induced death cases, a very different picture has emerged, highlighting the costs of neglecting democracy considerations (encompassing human rights and the rule of law) by the executive in particular.

08 März 2021

Paul Daly

COVID-19 in Canada: Variable Forms of Power and Unvarying Judicial Deference

As of early 2021, the COVID-19 pandemic continues to rage across Canada. These are dark days. Although the arrival of vaccines suggests light will soon appear at the end of the tunnel, Canada is a long way from the end of its COVID-19 crisis. In this blog, I hope to illuminate readers, through the lens of pandemic-related public law litigation, about how Canada has responded to COVID-19.

Cristina Fasone

Coping with Disloyal Cooperation in the Midst of a Pandemic: The Italian Response

The activity of the coalition Government between the Five Star Movement (5SM), the Democratic Party and other centre-left junior allies to tackle COVID-19 has been praised by some and severely criticized by others. Looking back at this first year of pandemic, a crucial problem of the Italian management of the disease and the related economic and social crises has been the lack of loyal cooperation; a principle entrenched into the Constitution (Art. 120, second para, Const.), with regard to the relationship amongst the different levels of government.

In a prior article, I explained how the Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borissov was using the COVID-19 emergency in spring 2020 as an opportunity to implement measures curtailing fundamental rights and solidifying his autocracy. Subsequently, Borissov’s GERB party enacted questionable amendments to the Law on Health permitting the executive to usurp powers traditionally conferred onto Parliament in Bulgaria’s constitutional order.

04 März 2021

Felix Herbert

Die Lesbarkeit von Gesetzentwürfen

Die Verbesserung der Lesbarkeit von Gesetzentwürfen ist in Zeiten zunehmender Politikverdrossenheit und der Verbreitung von Falschbehauptungen und Verschwörungstheorien ein dringendes Anliegen. Ein Vorschlag der Linksfraktion im Bundestag verspricht teilweise Abhilfe, geht aber nicht weit genug. Statt den Vorschlag der Linksfraktion zu kritisieren sollten ihn Politik und auch die Rechtswissenschaft zum Anlass nehmen, weitere Möglichkeiten zur Verbesserung der Lesbarkeit zu erarbeiten.

Ernesto Vargas Weil

Assembling Social Rights

In April 2021, Chile will hold elections for its first constitutional assembly. It will draft a new constitution to replace the current one, born in 1980 during Chile’s military dictatorship. One topic that will be at the center of the assembly’s debate is the status that ‘social rights’ shall have in the new constitution. The most debated issue in this regard is whether such rights should be directly enforceable. Despite the distance in time, space and culture, the drafting of Chile’s new constitution can learn important lessons from Germany’s constitutions of 1919 and 1949 in this field.

Roman Petrov, Bohdan Bernatskyi

Pandemic and Fragile Government: A Year of COVID-19 Fatigue and Disorder in Ukraine

The pandemic has exposed all the weaknesses and shortcomings of the Ukrainian health protection system, which has been on a periphery of the national reforms agenda for many years. In many regards, the Ukrainian way to protect the population against infectious diseases remains ineffective and fragmented and based of outdated Soviet-time approaches and methods. To date, Ukraine is one of the unfortunate leaders among European countries in confirmed Covid-19 cases and coronavirus death tolls. There is still no clear national strategy on how to prevent the further spread of Covid-19 in Ukraine is in place. The President of Ukraine and the Ministry of Health of Ukraine forecasted the terms of vaccination under the WHO COVAX initiative. However, detailed arrangements are far from being in place.

Teresa Violante, Rui T. Lanceiro

The Response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Portugal: A success story gone wrong.

Following an initial comparatively successful handling of the pandemic, infection numbers began increasing consistently after September in Portugal and reached an alarming rate at the beginning of 2021. A second lockdown started on January 14, 2021, with record infection and mortality rates and the National Health Service near breakdown. On 21 January, the measures were tightened and included the closure of schools and universities. A year later, Portugal is back to square one, and, as the failure to control the growth of the pandemic seems evident, medical and moral despair dominate. The impact of the restrictions on the freedom of movement contributed to a decline in the country’s overall score of The Economist’s Democracy Index 2020, that now qualifies it as a “democracy with flaws”.

Judges vs the Executive Branch

Last Friday, the Dutch Appeal Court of The Hague overturned a judgment of the District Court of the Hague which had made headlines in the Low Countries and beyond by enjoining an immediate end to the curfew imposed by the government to curb coronavirus infections. The case illustrates in dramatic fashion the tensions arising from the necessity to balance freedom and public health while tying into the more institutional question of the separation of powers between the judicial and executive branch. At the same time, the case casts light on the growing assertiveness of Dutch courts on matters of general policy-making.

Kristin Bergtora Sandvik, Hans Petter Graver, Peter Scharff Smith

The EU Parliament’s Abdication on the Rule of Law (Regulation)

To paraphrase a previous blog entry by Scheppele, Pech and Kelemen, if the The Decline and Fall of the European Union is ever written, historians will conclude that not only the EU’s two key intergovernmental institutions – the European Council and the Council – should bear the greatest responsibility for the EU’s demise, but also the EU Parliament. Indeed, by failing to challenge the legality of the EUCO’s December conclusions encroaching upon its own prerogatives, the EU Parliament might have just become an enabler of the ongoing erosion of the rule of law across the Union. Paradoxically, it did so after relying on incomplete and partial opinion of its own legal service advising the Parliament to trade the respect of the rule of law away for political convenience.

Eugenio Velasco

COVID-19 in Mexico: A Year in Review

Close to a year since its first confirmed case of COVID-19, several indicators place Mexico among the countries that have suffered the worst effects of the pandemic. This post offers a critical overview of the governmental responses to the outbreak. It begins by describing the actions taken by officials of the different branches and levels of government. This is followed by an assessment of the many omissions and deficiencies that have characterized the response of the Federal Executive. Lastly, it closes by offering an outlook for 2021.

George Karavokyris

Constitutionalism and COVID-19 in Greece: The Normality of Emergency

In the first wave of the pandemic (March-June 2020) Greece has been widely praised for having taken all necessary actions to contain effectively the spread of the virus. Despite the reasonable concerns, a consensus among scholars about the constitutionality of harsh restrictions on rights was reached, along with a broad social acceptance, due to the priority of health public interest and the exceptional character of the measures. Set by an emergency mechanism, the framework of the “crisis-law” remains alive and binding, while the country is possibly entering, after the second and more lethal spike (November-January), the third wave of Covid-19.

In mid-April 2020 Verfassungsblog published my first take on Finland’s response to COVID-19, under the characterisation 'Best Practice and Problems'. Into February 2021, Finland has remained one of the few European champions in combating the epidemic, with 9,423 cases and 131 deaths (both per one million inhabitants and by 18 February 2021). Notably, Finland’s success has not followed from strict ‘draconian’ measures but from a combination of factors that include at least geographical location; cultural patterns that support physical distancing and even isolation; a well-functioning healthcare system; a good level of compliance; comparatively good levels of vitamin D; and sheer luck which would be related to the first factor, geographical location.

22 Februar 2021

Emilio Peluso Neder Meyer, Thomas Bustamante

COVID-19 in Brazil: A Sick Constitutional Democracy

In the first half of January 2021, Brazil had already counted more than 200,000 deaths and 8 million people diagnosed with COVID-19. Throughout 2020, the responses from the federal government, which should have taken on a coordination role considering the federalised National Health Service (SUS, Sistema Único de Saúde), were confusing and inefficient. Doubts and scepticism spread by the federal executive undermined the work of governors and mayors and, mirroring the American example, contributed to increase the number of cases and casualties.

Marco Rizzi, Tamara Tulich

The Australian Response to COVID-19: A Year in Review

Australia’s legal and political response to the outbreak of COVID-19 has been marked by the formation of a new intergovernmental forum, the National Cabinet, to lead a coordinated national response to the pandemic, and the declaration of successive states of emergency at the federal and state levels activating extraordinary executive powers, including limitations on movement and border closures. Australia’s response has, to date, resulted in the successful curtailment of community transmission of COVID-19 in Australian States and Territories. However, the response to the pandemic has also involved the removal of existing mechanisms of executive accountability, suspensions of Parliament and little parliamentary scrutiny or other oversight of executive action. These democratic deficits present fresh challenges for Australia going forward, particularly as the National Cabinet structure becomes permanent and the states of emergency endure for the foreseeable future.

Joelle Grogan

Power and the COVID-19 Pandemic – Introduction & List of Contributions

One year on how has the COVID-19 pandemic affected the law, and the way states govern? Should we be concerned about the ongoing use of emergency powers? How can we look forward to what lies ahead? Convened by Joelle Grogan, this Symposium is hosted by the Verfassungsblog and supported by Democracy Reporting International and the Horizon-2020 RECONNECT project.

20 Februar 2021

Better Late than Never

On 2 February 2021, the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic repealed several crucial provisions of the electoral law. This decision is surprising since all of the previous petitions to repeal the electoral law were rejected by the Court for either procedural reasons or for manifest unfoundedness. The decision also presents a fairly active and, perhaps, unfortunately timed intervention of the judicial branch into the current political reality in the Czech Republic nine months before the upcoming election.

The most recent episode in the decade-long saga involving Julian Assange and his struggle against extradition to the United States occurred on 4 January 2021. According to the ruling delivered by District Judge Vanessa Baraitser at the Central Criminal Court of England and Wales, Assange cannot be extradited from the UK. This outcome was received with mixed feelings by both supporters and adversaries of the Wikileaks founder. The appeal that the US Government has formally lodged against the decision to block Julian Assange’s extradition indicates that the saga is not over yet, but it is clear that the finish line is near.

Francesco Luigi Gatta

Between Rule of Law and Reputation

On 27 January, Frontex announced the unprecedented decision to suspend its activities in Hungary. The choice to withdraw the Agency from Hungary is not a clear, serious, and meditated move in the Commission’s action for the rule of law. Nor is it a sign of a coherent and firm intention to put an end to the Agency’s engagement in human rights violations at EU borders, since it keeps operating in other frontline Member States with equally problematic issues. It rather represents an attempt to remedy the already compromised reputation of Frontex.

05 Februar 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Streng vertraulich

Über geheime Dienste, vertraute Vertrauenspersonen und andere Dinge, über die man nicht laut spricht

Maximilian Steinbeis

Strictly confidential

On secret services, confident confidants and other matters one shouldn't talk about too loudly

Oreste Pollicino, Giovanni De Gregorio

Shedding Light on the Darkness of Content Moderation

With the Facebook Oversight Board, we face a new age of private adjudication of online content, which promises an alternative system to enforce human rights on a global scale, while marginalising and hybridising constitutional values and democratic safeguards. Digital constitutionalism offers a framework to look at this new form of private adjudication of online content and its challenges. A look at the FOB’s first cases is an opportunity peek behind the scenes of content moderation, as well as a laboratory to study the transnational challenges which the information society has raised to global (digital) constitutionalism.

Loyalty, Opportunism and Fear

The pressure on universities and academic freedom in Hungary is increasing. With a reform program initiated in 2019, the government has started to restructure universities, from a state-funded to a privately-funded model. At the end of the current round of restructuring in 2021, there will be more private universities than public ones. While universities officially have to request their privatisation to start the process, it is clear that the aim of the reform is to forcefully reduce the independence of universities. In January, a number of universities were given an ultimatum until the end of the month to decide on their transformation.

04 Februar 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Offener Zugang zum Öffentlichen Recht

In eigener Sache: Unser BMBF-Antrag war erfolgreich, unser Open-Access-Projekt startet am 1. März. Dafür haben wir zwei attraktive und spannende Stellen zu besetzen.

Kees Sterk, Frans van Dijk

Judiciaries Must Build Support in Societies

The continuous attack on the judiciary in Poland, starting with the subjugation of the Constitutional Court, have shown that legal safeguards provide only an illusionary protection in case both the national legislator and the Constitutional Court have been taken over by politicians who do not believe in the rule of law. Why is it relatively easy for governments to push judiciaries over? They have a fundamental weakness: their lack of connection with society. Judiciaries have a strong tendency to solely rely on legal protections, instead of also on public support.

02 Februar 2021

Kalvis Eng?zers, Madara Me??ika

Defining the Modern Family

In November 2020, the Constitutional Court of Latvia recognised that the Constitution of Latvia (Satversme) obliges the state to protect all families, including those established by same-sex couples. The judgement was met with considerable political backlash and at the beginning of January prompted the right‑wing party Nacionālā Apvienība to submit an initiative to amend the Satversme with a new, excluding definition of family. Perhaps more worrisome is how the amendment and the associated campaign openly attack the authority of the Constitutional Court.

Catherine Haguenau-Moizard

The French Habeas Corpus and Covid-19

In January 2021, the French Constitutional Council published an important decision on the protection of the right to liberty during the state of sanitary emergency. The Constitutional Council decided that extending the duration of pre-trial detention without a decision made by a judge was contrary to article 66 of the Constitution. The decision implies that while authorities can resort to exceptional powers during a pandemic, they must still respect basic human rights.

Lalit Chennamaneni

No Court When Needed

For months, Indian farmers have been protesting against the so-called “farm bills”. With the government unwilling to give in to demands and with farmers determined to keep on protesting until the laws are repealed, India’s Supreme Court has ventured into the political fray. On 12th January it passed an order staying the laws as well as setting up a mediation committee. The Supreme Court’s response fits neatly into a destructive pattern, particularly in the past years under the Modi government, in which it has abnegated its core functions in favor of politically expedient (in-)actions.

01 Februar 2021

Maciej Taborowski

In the EU, it’s the Rule of Law. In Poland, it’s Unconstitutional?

The Polish Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro, in his capacity as Prosecutor General, wants to apply to the Polish Constitutional Tribunal to have the EU regulation connecting the rule of law with the suspension of EU funds declared inconsistent with the Polish constitution. Why is the member of a government that has recently consented to adopting the regulation, now going to fight it? And are there any grounds for doing so?

Beobachtung der AfD

Es geht das Gerücht herum, dass das Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz als Ergebnis umfassender Prüfungen die Gesamtpartei AfD zum „Verdachtsfall“ erklären wird, die damit als verfassungsfeindliche Bestrebung beobachtet werden könnte. Das hiergegen angerufene Verwaltungsgericht Köln hat einen „Hängebeschluss“ zur Sicherung des – noch anhängigen – Eilantrags vorläufig abgelehnt. Die materiellen Rechtsfragen, die mit dem Rechtsstreit verbunden sind, verdienen einen näheren Blick.

30 Januar 2021

Campbell MacGillivray

A Bolsonarist Cat Among the Pigeons

While the election of Kassio Nunes Marques in September 2020 was initially met with relief by some as he had no known links to the government, the new justice of Brazil’s Supreme Federal Tribunal (STF) has since demonstrated his fidelity to the president that elected him. This could play a significant role in the future of Brazil given his likely being the deciding vote in an upcoming case on the existing conviction of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

Armin von Bogdandy, Pedro Villarreal

The EU’s and UK’s Self-Defeating Vaccine Nationalism

The European Union and the United Kingdom currently risk being victims of their own vaccine nationalism. The time-pressure for securing as many vaccine doses against COVID-19 as possible has led to hiccups and even tensions between both. At the heart of the matter is AstraZeneca’s delay in distributing a given number of doses in the European Union. Meanwhile, it continues to serve the United Kingdom in a timely fashion. The threat of imposing export restrictions is now on the table.

Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund werden bei gleicher Eignung bevorzugt eingestellt. Das soll nach dem Willen der Berliner Integrationssenatorin in der Bundeshauptstadt für den öffentlichen Dienst Gesetzeslage werden, und unter dem Stichwort „Migrationsquote“ ist darüber ein heftiger verfassungsrechtlicher Streit entbrannt. Das Grundgesetz schreibt gleichen Zugang zum Staatsdienst für alle vor – was heißt das in einer Situation, wo es Menschen migrantischer Herkunft so viel schwerer haben, von diesem Zugangsrecht Gebrauch zu machen? Reicht es da, die individuelle Grundrechtsposition der jeweiligen Bewerber_in in den Blick zu nehmen? Darüber redet Max Steinbeis heute mit EMILIA ROIG, Gründerin und Leiterin des Center for Intersectional Justice in Berlin.

28 Januar 2021

Isabella Risini

Human Rights in the Line of Fire

On 21 January 2021, the Grand Chamber of the European Court delivered its judgment in the case of Georgia v Russia (II). The Court did establish Russia’s responsibility for the consequences of one of the gravest military confrontations the continent has seen since Russia has joined the Strasbourg club. The Court is visibly not at ease with its role to adjudicate human rights violations in an armed conflict between two States. It left the five-day exchange of hostilities to the realm of humanitarian law, however, not exclusively. The white spots on the map of human rights protection in Europe the Court identifies have broad ramifications for the pending cases between Ukraine, The Netherlands and Russia as well as the cases between Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey.

In 2020 the degradation of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s position deepened. This stage of the crisis of the constitutional judiciary in Poland can be illustrated with two rulings from 2020

Roman Kaiser

Gesundheitlicher gleich wahlrechtlicher Notstand?

Am vergangenen Dienstag, den 19. Januar im Innen- und Kommunalausschuss des Thüringer Landtags eine Expertenanhörung zu einem Gesetzentwurf statt, der eine pandemiegerechte Durchführung der vorgezogenen Landtagswahl im September 2021 sicherstellen soll. Das zugrundeliegende Anliegen, die besonderen pandemiebedingten Regelungen in parlamentarischer Verantwortung zu treffen, ist zu begrüßen. Doch der Inhalt des Sondergesetzes ist problembehaftet.

22 Januar 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Interpreters of the Constitution

Why the constitutional debate about the Covid measures is different from the "rule of lawlessness" discourse of 2016/18

Maximilian Steinbeis

Verfassungsinterpreten

Was die verfassungsrechtliche Debatte um die Corona-Maßnahmen vom "Herrschaft-des-Unrechts"-Diskurs 2016/18 unterscheidet

Mit künstlicher Intelligenz auf Verbrecherjagd

Zur Fahndung nach den Beteiligten am Sturm auf das US-amerikanische Kapitol werden nach Medienberichten wohl auch Gesichtserkennungstechnologien eingesetzt, die teilweise auf künstlicher Intelligenz beruhen. Nach deutschem Recht wäre das derzeit unzulässig. Die Einführung einer entsprechenden Rechtsgrundlage erfordert aufgrund ethischer, technischer und menschenrechtlicher Implikationen eine intensive Debatte auf gesetzgeberischer Ebene.

21 Januar 2021

Grietje Baars

English Court Blocks Puberty Blockers in Anti-Trans Craze Judgment

In a far-reaching and immediately impactful judicial review decision, the English High Court conflates puberty blockers and medical transition and decides puberty blockers should not be available to trans youth under the age of 16. The court gives the reason that puberty blockers ‘lead down a pathway to medical transition’ which can have some irreversible effects. According to the court, young persons under the age of 16 cannot appreciate the significance of these potential, and potentially irreversible effects in the areas of sexual functioning and fertility. Better then, is the court’s logic, to let them experience the irreversible effects of puberty. The decision puts trans children’s lives at risk and only makes eventual transition much more invasive.

Alina Cherviatsova

False Dilemma

On 29 December 2020, Volodymyr Zelenskiy, President of Ukraine, suspended the Constitutional Court’s Chairman Oleksandr Tupytskyi from office by Decree 607/2020. This step is part of his ongoing conflict with the Constitutional Court caused by Decision 13r-2020 of the Constitutional Court in late October 2020. Although the rule of law is being undermined in this conflict this is not due to the false dilemma between the rule of law and the fight against corruption as purported by the president.

20 Januar 2021

The Honor of the Spanish Flag

In a controversial decision dated 15 December 2020 and published one month later, the Spanish Constitutional Court has rejected the appeal of a member of an independentist trade union condemned for desecrating the Spanish flag during a labor protest. The ruling denies constitutional protection to such expressions even in the context of political activism. It challenges the case law of the ECHR and reduces the room for freely expressing political opinions in Spain. The ruling shows that the freedom of expression is increasingly at risk in Spain.

19 Januar 2021

Surya Deva

Being Naïve or Putting Business First?

The European Union would like to believe that it is acting robustly and cohesively to promote human rights and democracy globally. This (self-)perception as a force of good in terms of responsible business conduct and human rights protection might however be less accurate than many within the EU think. Some details about the recent EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) seem to spoil this rosy picture.

Tackling Big Tech

Am 14. Januar hat der Bundestag weitreichende Änderungen des Gesetzes gegen Wettbewerbsbeschränkungen (GWB) beschlossen. Zentrale Aspekte der Novelle betreffen die Missbrauchsaufsicht des Bundeskartellamts über digitale Plattformen. Doch ob die Anpassungen tatsächlich geeignet sind, die Marktmacht der großen Plattformunternehmen und deren Verhalten im Wettbewerb wirksam zu adressieren, bleibt abzuwarten. Bis zum Inkrafttreten entsprechender Regeln auf EU-Ebene – voraussichtlich im Digital Markets Act – können mit dem deutschen Recht aber in jedem Fall wichtige Erfahrungen für die Anwendungspraxis gewonnen werden.

18 Januar 2021

Laurent Pech, Patryk Wachowiec, Dariusz Mazur

1825 Days Later: The End of the Rule of Law in Poland (Part II)

On 13 January 2016, exactly five years ago today, the Commission activated the so-called rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. Ever since, the Polish authorities’ sustained and systematic attacks on the rule of law directly threaten the very functioning of the EU legal order. Part II of this series examines the key rulings of 2020 and urges EU authorities to act.

Kim Lane Scheppele

Re-impeachment

Public law accountability is the hallmark of any constitutional government worthy of the name precisely because it would be less arbitrary. But private law accountability is better than nothing. Given that we don’t know how the impeachment trial will turn out, and given that Trump’s fellow Republicans do not yet seem ready to cut themselves lose from him, private retribution may be all we have.

15 Januar 2021

Maximilian Steinbeis

Press Here to Reset the System

Why removing Trump from an office he no longer holds is a good thing to do

Maximilian Steinbeis

The Mob

On the Trump coup, the constitution and the unity of the nation

Maximilian Steinbeis

Der Mob

Über den Trump-Putsch, die Verfassung und die Einheit der Nation

Aeyal Gross, Nir Kosti

The Paradox of Israel’s Coronavirus Law

On January 12, 2021, the Israeli Supreme Court sitting as High Court of Justice (HCJ) will hear arguments in a series of cases challenging the constitutionality of Israel’s Coronavirus Law. This Law was enacted on July 23, 2020, to replace the Israeli government’s reliance on general emergency powers. It was supposed to curb the government’s powers on restricting rights and ensure parliamentary supervision of enacted measures. In fact, however, it handed the government new executive lawmaking powers rather than limiting them.

Katrin Becker

Zoom in den Gerichtssaal?

Seit dem Ausbruch der Corona-Krise sehen sich diverse Gerichte zunehmend vor die Schwierigkeit gestellt, den normalen Betrieb unter Einhaltung der Maßnahmen zur sozialen Distanz aufrechtzuerhalten. Um dem oftmals verhängten Notbetrieb Abhilfe zu schaffen, wird immer eifriger an der Einführung digitaler Gerichtsprozesse gearbeitet. Ausgeblendet wird in diesen Diskussionen oftmals die Tatsache, dass mit der Digitalisierung von Rechtsprozessen wesentlich grundsätzlichere Fragen zum Wesen und zur Funktionsweise des Rechts aufgeworfen werden, die sich bei näherer Betrachtung als unlösbar mit Fragen von Präsenz verflochten erweisen.

07 Januar 2021

Pekka Pohjankoski

On 30 December 2020, the EU Commission announced that the EU and China “in principle” concluded the negotiations on a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). So far, there has only been a limited assessment of the CAI from a human rights perspective which is problematic considering recent political developments in China. This leads to the question: How does the CAI measure against the standards of the constitutional law of the EU relating to its external relations? Moreover, it is doubtful that the agreement will meet the requirements prescribed by the European Parliament in this regard.

Christofer Lenz, Louisa Kunkel

Notparlament in die Verfassung

In Schleswig-Hostein wird die Corona-Pandemie als Anlass dafür genutzt, Regelungen über ein Notparlament in der Landesverfassung zu verankern. Ein interfraktioneller Gesetzentwurf wird von 68 der 73 Abgeordneten des Landtages unterstützt. Doch der Entwurf enthält Ungereimtheiten und es stellt sich außerdem die Frage, ob die Thematik der Handlungsunfähigkeit des Landtages nicht weitgehend durch andere Verfassungsänderungen gelöst werden kann. Gerade, um die klar zum Ausdruck kommende Angst vor einem tatsächlichen Tätigwerden des Notparlaments zu mindern.

04 Januar 2021

Alberto Alemanno, Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

Mitigating Brexit through Bilateral Free-Movement of Persons

Rather than bemoaning the Brexit choice the UK made, it is time to start thinking about living with it in a way that would cause as little disruption as possible for all those concerned. How to mitigate, at least to some degree, the sudden, unprecedented loss of rights that Brexit caused? EU citizenship not any more on the table, bilateral freedom of movement of persons agreements with the EU Member States, EEA countries and Switzerland could offer a way forward. This solution is fully in line with EU law and has already been tested.

Ben Wagner, Heleen Janssen

As from 1 January 2021 the Regulation on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget will become applicable. A lot has been said about the outcome of the negotiation process of this new regulation for which all parties involved claimed victory, as it is usually the case once an agreement is reached. We would like to take this as an opportunity to evaluate the outcome from the personal perspective of two people engaged in the process of the negotiations at opposite sides – the European Parliament on the one side and the Council of the EU on the other side.

Carl Baudenbacher

Back to Start?

The UK won a major victory with the EU in the Draft EU-UK Christmas EveTrade Agreement: It got the EU to renunciate the so-called Ukraine mechanism which, in effect, would have made the Commission the UK’s watchdog. This has caused some “Brexit envy” in Switzerland as this mechanism is part of the Draft EU-Switzerland Institutional Agreement. With a “bullshit” campaign, former Foreign Minister Didier Burkhalter, however, has led Switzerland into a cul-de-sac, making it likely that the negotiations will have to go back to start.

29 Dezember 2020

Alani Golanski

Failing Efforts to Delegitimize the Incoming Biden Administration

When state actors ignore evidence – or in the case of allegations of widespread election fraud, the lack of evidence – toward obtaining some political advantage, the community’s evaluation of the condition of the rule of law comes out badly. Degradation of the rule of law today leaves it in a state of disrepair tomorrow and alleviating harm to the way in which people morally appraise their legal system is not an easy fix.

28 Dezember 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Liebe Freund_innen des Verfassungsblogs

bevor dies Jahr nun endgültig zu Ende geht, will ich Ihnen noch einmal schreiben.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Dear Friends of Verfassungsblog

Before this year comes to an end, I want to send a personal message.

Anne Peters, Muratcan Sabuncu

On Vaccine Nationalism, the ‘Slowbalisation’ and Zoonotic Diseases – Part II

In part II of the interview, MURATCAN SABUNCU and ANNE PETERS discuss whether states can be held responsible for ineffective responses to the pandemic, the role of the WHO and the future of multilateralism.

Anne Peters, Muratcan Sabuncu

On Vaccine Nationalism, the ‘Slowbalisation’ and Zoonotic Diseases – Part I

Although it is impossible to predict all of the current pandemic’s potential consequences, Covid-19 has already acquired a multidimensional nature, affecting all levels of society, and will seemingly become a catalyst of change in many fields, including international relations and international law. In the light of the current developments, MURATCAN SABUNCU discusses with ANNE PETERS the coronavirus, its global effects and transformative potential.

How to Quantify a Proportionate Financial Punishment in the New EU Rule of Law Mechanism?

The principle of a proportionate financial measure enshrined in the new EU rule of law mechanism should be informed by an improved EU Justice Scoreboard (EUJS) drawing on rule of law indices. Thereby, the sensitive matter of determining the amount could be supported also by quantitative data. This is important, because the Commission will face high political pressure when acting under the new rule of law mechanism.

21 Dezember 2020

The research question of 'Constituent Power. A History' is framed in the book‘s introduction as a critical mission in intellectual history, as Rubinelli identifies a major confusion in recent works on the historiography of political thought. A small industry has sprung up in recent years to backdate the advent of constituent power to the middle ages and even to antiquity. Authors claim to have discovered an employment of the concept in texts dating back to before the term became historically available in Emmanuel Sieyès. Rubinelli is surely right to castigate the anachromisms involved, and referring to Aristotle, Marsilius or Machiavelli, Bodin, Spinoza or Hobbes as early adapters to a timeless concept of constituent power seems misguided, but perhaps for other than her stated methodological reason, that we need to attend to the usage of the term because there is no determinate and stable concept of constituent power.

Dipayan Ghosh, Justin Hendrix

Facebook’s Oversight Board Just Announced Its First Cases, But It Already Needs An Overhaul

On the 1st of December, the first cases the newly constituted Facebook Oversight Board will consider were published. They underscore that the Oversight Board was never going to be a panacea for the complex problem of content moderation on a platform that hosts billions of users, but it is clear already that the Board’s governance model requires an overhaul if it is to achieve meaningful success.

The Inviolability of National Centrals Banks as a Matter of EU Law

National authorities have to be extremely cautious in their dealings with National Central Banks in national investigations. Given the role of those in EU law, and their place within the EU legal order, today's judgment of the European Court of Justice should be seen as a stern warning to investigative authorities of the Member States. They must engage with the applicable EU institutions, prior to seizing documents of National Central Banks.

14 Dezember 2020

The decision by Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis to refuse an inquiry into the 1989 murder of Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane was just the latest episode in a long and sorry saga. The result is that a 2003 judgment from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) finding that the UK had breached Article 2 ECHR (right to life) by failing to hold an appropriate inquiry into Finucane’s murder has still not been acted upon and any possibility of justice or accountability fades just that little bit more.

Andrii Nekoliak

A Damaged Court Causing a Constitutional Crisis

In late October 2020, Ukraine’s Constitutional Court found major elements of Ukraine’s legal framework on combatting corruption unconstitutional. The decision was met with so much backlash that the rule of law in Ukraine is now at stake. Additionally, it has caused a deep rift within the Constitutional Court itself, which is currently unable to take decisions as a number of justices refuse to participate in proceedings. The decision has thus not only undermined the ongoing efforts to fight corruption but has thrown Ukraine into a veritable constitutional crisis.

Austria is currently in the midst of a second hard lockdown. This move came after a somewhat carefree summertime that ended rather chaotic. Since then, the government has reacted late, the public was informed at short notice, coordination of the administration was poor and the enacted legislation and enforcement of measures are constitutionally problematic.

02 Dezember 2020

Hans Petter Graver

A New Nail in the Coffin for the 2017 Polish Judicial Reform

On 1 December the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR gave an important ruling that may have wide-reaching implications for the ongoing attempts to curb the rule of law backsliding in Poland and other countries. The case addresses the appointment of judges, and the way this affects the status of a court as a “tribunal established by law” in the meaning of Article 6 of the ECHR.

John Morijn

A Momentous Day for the Rule of Law

Five Member States led by example by following the Commission’s lead in defending Union law. That is how the EU system was designed to function. Add a simultaneous important ruling of the Strasbourg Court and an unprecedented Dutch parliamentary motion, and this was an important day for rule of law protection in the EU.

Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang

An Uphill Battle for a Constitutional Amendment in Thailand

Thousands of young activists are taking to the streets to protest the 2017 constitution of Thailand. However, the current government of Prayuth Chan-ocha, the former junta leader and present prime minister, afraid of losing control, has invoked all constitutional mechanisms to resist any change. The deadlock can easily escalate from a call for a charter amendment to toppling the entire regime.

Matthias C. Kettemann, Georg Kraml, Felicitas Rachinger, Clara Rauchegger

No “Censor for the World”

Will the internet become a “worldwide censorship machine”? Has the “risk that a single EU court within a single EU member state would become the censor for the world” been realized? Not quite. Much of the critique of the recent Austrian Supreme Court ruling Glawischnig-Piesczek/Facebook Ireland Limited is based on a wrong reading of the law and policy behind the judgment.

30 November 2020

Mihai-Razvan Corman

Nothing will Change

On 15 November 2020, the reformist, pro-European candidate Maia Sandu has won the presidential election in the Republic of Moldova. Sandu has raised great expectations among the population that she will eradicate corruption and mitigate the devastating effects of COVID-19. As the confetti has been swept away and the euphoria about her victory is passing, it is doubtful, whether President Sandu can deliver on her campaign promises, given the President’s limited powers and the composition of parliament.

Gerd Winter

Learning from the Coronavirus Pandemic for Environmental Policy

The Covid-19 pandemic has thrown the world into a deep social, cultural and economic crisis. Crisis literally means turning point. The question then is: in what direction are we turning? One could be towards the ever worse ending in deep despair. Such trajectory is indeed highly probable, especially if we take the perspective of those who have long suffered from civil and proxy wars, failing governments, droughts and cyclones, or the financial meltdown. However, rather than getting stuck in desperation a different perspective is also possible, and I will concentrate on that. It is to see the current crisis as a potential turning point to the better, as a window of opportunity for sounder politics and policy.

Adam Bodnar, Pawe? Filipek

Warum die polnische Regierung deutsche Jurist_innen umwirbt

Maximilian Steinbeis

From Warsaw with Love

Why the Polish government is wooing German jurists

Silvia Merler, Francesco Nicoli

Last week in Commune de Grande Synthe I, the Conseil d’Etat delivered a powerful ruling on France’s obligation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It sets a precedent for climate litigation in France and could inspire other courts across Europe, including the European Court of Justice (ECJ), to pursue the way opened by Urgenda and accept more climate-related challenges.

, , Thomas Markert, Lennart Kokott

LawRules #10: We need to talk about the European Convention on Human Rights

Europe is larger than the EU – and a European framework aiming at preserving basic rights and freedoms as well as rule of law safeguards has been in place for 70 years precisely this November: the European Convention on Human Rights. Today, we take a deeper look at the Convention and at the institutions that work to enforce it: The European Court of Human Rights and the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. Are they capable of adding another layer of human rights and rule of law protection to the European legal framework? What kind of support do those institutions need in order to be able to fulfill their task? And how is their status today, 70 years after the European Convention on Human Rights has been signed?

21 November 2020

Lidia Bonifati

Time for Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

On November 21, 2020, the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA), turns 25. Just a few days before, on November 15, Bosnian citizens were called to renew the municipal councils across the country. The poor management of the pandemic exacerbated the already high level of corruption and the recurring stalemate in political institutions, and Bosnian voters in major cities used the local elections to express all their discontent with the political conduct of the ruling parties. It is clear today that the system put in place by the DPA 25 years ago is not a sustainable solution.

20 November 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Even in Prison

A message from Judge Igor Tuleya

Maximilian Steinbeis

Auch im Gefängnis

Eine Nachricht von Richter Igor Tuleya

We need to talk about refugees and migration law. In discussions about these topics, refugees and migration policy are often being treated as the other of politics and policy. But the way states treat those seeking refuge and asylum on their territory is fundamentally a rule of law issue, and actually says a lot about the current state of the rule of law there: Are refugees able to enter a jurisdiction and apply for their right to asylum? Are due process obligations being observed? Do refugees have access to justice? Does the European migration law system work?

16 November 2020

Felix Reda

Walking from Luxembourg to Brussels in two hours

A little over a year ago, close to 200,000 people took to the streets to protest the European copyright reform. At the core of the controversy about the Copyright Directive lies Article 17, which makes certain online platforms directly liable for copyright infringements of their users. Protests have died down after the adoption of the directive, as Member States are engaged in the difficult task of transposing Article 17 into national law. It would be a mistake, however, to take this relative calm for an indication that the conflict has been resolved. While the implementation deadline for the Member States is coming closer, the conflicts have been taken to court.

Agnieszka Smole?ska,

Greening Banks in the Face of Uncertainty

To this day, banks continue to plough money into carbon-intensive sectors of the economy while making inadequate provisions for potential losses. The European Central Bank’s 2020 draft Guide on climate-related and environmental risks is a major step in supervisory efforts to address this problem, which so far has escaped critical scrutiny. It sets out how the ECB will use its supervisory powers to get banks to properly monitor, disclose and price risk. As we argue, its current approach is unlikely to work because it asks banks to quantify risks that often resist simple quantification. Instead, the ECB should provide banks with more targeted guidance. That will make banking supervision more political than it is today.

As of 4 November, twenty countries across Europe have now re-introduced either lockdowns or restrictive pandemic measures. The reality that while the pandemic is temporary, it will nevertheless be lengthy, has begun to set in. In response to new restrictions, widespread protests has been reported across Europe, sometimes resulting in violent clashes with police forces. Where it is both highly likely that current restrictions will not be be the last – particularly following mass-migration during the Christmas period – and protests are likely to increase, what then?

09 November 2020

Karolina Kocemba, Micha? Stambulski

After the judgment of the PiS-controlled Constitutional Tribunal, the sharp drop in support for PiS in the latest polls makes the ruling camp try panically to minimize the political losses it has suffered. One symptom of that panic is the fact that the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal has not yet been published. Another is draft law submitted by the PiS-aligned President Duda slightly alleviating the effects of the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal. All this proves how deep the crisis of the rule of law and how blurred the border between law and politics in Poland have become.

Cullen O'Keefe

Stabilizing the US Judiciary by Threatening to Pack It

Reforming the judicial appointment process in the US will take a constitutional amendment. Without it, reform attempts are likely to fail. For conservatives especially, altering the courts now, after securing a very conservative majority unprecedented in recent history, will seem unappealing. They may (perhaps correctly) conclude that, given their systematic advantages in the Senate and therefore electoral college, endless escalation is a game they may be able to win. This blog post proposes a simple mechanism that aims to force a stabilizing constitutional amendment forward while preserving the option to escalate if they cannot secure cooperation from the Republican party.

Tomer Kenneth

Warum der Protest gegen das "Abtreibungsurteil" weit mehr ist als nur das

Maximilian Steinbeis

Livid in Warsaw

Why the protests against the "abortion judgment" are a lot more than just that

Julia Emtseva

During the recently completed United States Senate committee hearings for Donald Trump’s nominee for a seat on the Supreme Court, Amy Coney Barrett, Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island used his time to try to demonstrate how right-wing groups, including the Federalist Society and Judicial Crisis Network, use dark money to shape the American judiciary. A common reaction, certainly on the part of those continually disadvantaged on the policy side, is that massive dark money investment in the legal system’s actors and outcomes subverts the rule of law. Although ordinary citizens, informed commentators, and political representatives make this claim, theorists have paid scant attention to explaining why this might be so. This omission is likely rooted in the sort of concept theorists think the rule of law is.

Psymhe Wadud

Women, Rape Law and the Illusory Sex Equality Clause in the Bangladeshi Constitution

Earlier in October, a video of a group of men attacking, stripping, and sexually assaulting a woman went viral in Bangladesh. Incidents of rape and sexual assaults like this are a window into understanding the state of sex-based inequality in a given society. The laws, however, must be taken into account as well, particularly if they reflect an essential male perspective and are written in gender-insensitive terms. I will explain below that in case of Bangladesh, sex-based inequality gets revealed when an illusory sex-equality clause of Bangladesh Constitution intersects with the country’s crippled commitment to the Women Convention, and sex-based inequality gets manifested through the retention of colonial-era substantive and procedural legal framework.

The Time to Speak Up

The European Commission’s Rule of Law Report 2020, in its Spanish chapter, highlights in particular the situation of the Judicial Council as a challenge: The mandate of its members has expired in December 2018, but its new members have not yet been appointed. To unblock this situation a proposal was introduced in Parliament, but the envisaged reform does not comply with EU standards and endangers judicial independence, as the European Commission and GRECO have warned.

24 Oktober 2020

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

No more “Business as Usual”

The Polish Constitutional Court (“the Court”), once a proud institution and an effective check on the will of the majority, is now a shell of its former self. It has become a dangerous and unhinged institution that uses the judicial review both as a sword to punish the opponents and to promote the illiberal agenda of the ruling majority. Thursday’s abortion ruling is only the latest example. In these dark days we must always remember the old Constitutional Court and the liberal foundations it had laid for more than twenty years. More crucially, accepting the current constitutional oppression as “business as usual”, will carry the risk of losing the rule of law in Poland for good.

Anna Rakowska-Trela

A Dubious Judgment by a Dubious Court

On 22 October 2020 Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal, dominated by judges appointed under the procedure introduced by the ruling right-wing populist PiS party, has determined that abortion due to foetal defects is unconstitutional, rejecting the most common of the few legal grounds for pregnancy termination. This ruling is very controversial and caused civil disquiet and protests.

23 Oktober 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Prophezeiungen, die sich selbst erfüllen

Über rechte und linke Justizpolitik und die liberale Versuchung der Äquidistanz

Maximilian Steinbeis

Self-Fulfilling Prophecies

On left-wing and right-wing judicial policies and the seductive liberal illusion of equidistance

Marta Cartabia, Daniel Halberstam, Anna ?ledzi?ska-Simon, Antoine Vauchez, Armin von Bogdandy

Vicarious Hegemony and the Anti-hegemonic Thrust of European Law: a Conversation

We are debating the specter of German Legal Hegemony. It’s a new dimension for most German lawyers. The prevailing view has been that Germany is at the receiving end and losing out. Many consider Germany as making a too small impact on European law because it’s too inflexible for its federalism and too inhibited for many reasons. Quite a few see the 2nd Senate of the BVerfG as the last institution defending law and reason against overbearing European institutions as Berlin politicians have largely given up. The symposium has provided a different picture. How to deepen learning from it? Today we propose a discussion which is both analytical and normative.

Ralf Poscher, Erik Tuchtfeld

Corona Constitutional #49: Vom Sinn und Zweck des Datenschutzes

Die SPD und die Union haben sich diese Woche auf die Einführung eines Bundestrojaners für Geheimdienste geeinigt. Der Europäische Gerichtshof hat Anfang des Monats einmal mehr die Vorratsdatenspeicherung für unvereinbar mit europäischen Grundrechten erklärt und seit Mitte des Jahres ist das Privacy Shield, die Rechtsgrundlage für den transnationalen Datenverkehr, gekippt. Erik Tuchtfeld bespricht mit RALF POSCHER, Direktor des Max-Planck-Instituts zur Erforschung von Kriminalität, Sicherheit und Recht, das Ziel und die Funktion des Datenschutzes und die Gefahren durch Massenüberwachung.

22 Oktober 2020

Daniel Cerqueira

Lech Wałęsa helped bringing down the Iron Curtain – now he takes his revolutionary spirit to the EU. His radical approach of institutional reform through abandonment of the current treaties deserves serious consideration.

Artun Mimar

Recognizing Turkey’s Anti-Rule of Law System

On October 13, a criminal court of first instance defied the authority of the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC). A similar challenge to the TCC’s authority by a first instance court had occurred over two years ago. In present-day Turkey, however, it is wrong to see such fundamental violations of the rule of law as an unfortunate exception to an abstractly conceived system of rules. Rather, they should be considered as the manifestation of a well-functioning anti-rule of law system.

19 Oktober 2020

Erik Tuchtfeld

Towards a European Court of Fundamental Rights

With its judgments on bulk data retention issued at the beginning of this month, the European Court of Justice has entitled itself to examine virtually all surveillance measures in the digital sphere. In doing so, it has once more clarified its positioning as the decisive Fundamental Rights Court in Europe. In the midst of the ultra vires-storm caused by the PSPP-judgement of the Bundesverfassungsgericht – and questions arising with regard to German Legal Hegemony in Europe – a true shift of power to the ECJ can be spotted which is, surprisingly, supported by the national constitutional courts.

On Judge Beata Morawiec, the rampant sowjetization of the Polish judicial policy, and how it could come to all that.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Das epochale Versagen der EU-Kommission

Über Richterin Beata Morawiec, die galoppierende Sowjetisierung der polnischen Justizpolitik und wie es so weit kommen konnte.

15 Oktober 2020

Albert Fox Cahn, Amanda Humell

‘Keyword Warrants’ Make Every Search A Risk

How many times did you search google today? Few of us know the answer. It’s not just the queries entered into the ubiquitous google search bars, but the countless other apps in the Google ecosystem, constantly harvesting our every question to refine their picture of even the most intimate spheres of our life. In the hands of advertisers, this technology is creepy. But when it is fully exploited by law enforcement agencies, it can be a profound danger to civil society and human rights.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Would you like to join our editorial team?

We are looking for a part-time (50%) editor in our office in Berlin.

Theodor Shulman

Mitch McConnell, The Supreme Court, and The Specter of Politicization

There is no doubt that the Senate Majority Leader is a hypocrite. His bad faith, however, may have a cathartic effect on judicial appointments.

Jordi Nieva-Fenoll

Justice and Independence, an Actual Problem in Spain

On October 13, the Spanish Government presented a bill to Parliament with one main objective: to reduce the parliamentary majorities to appoint the members of the General Council of the Judiciary. Its purpose is to overcome a political blockage in the renewal of its members, which has already lasted two years. But the government's attempt, somehow awkward, has been quickly compared to maneuvers to control the judiciary in Poland and Hungary. However, this bill and those exaggerated criticisms conceal a much more relevant and, above all, sadder reality.

14 Oktober 2020

Mariarosaria Guglielmi, , , Maximilian Steinbeis

LawRules #4: We need to talk about Procedural Law

Court packing schemes, forced retirement of judges – organisational rules are often misused to get the judiciary under control. How do you distinguish “good” judicial reforms from “bad” ones? Is there such a thing as a “good” court packing scheme? This is what we discuss this week with MARIAROSARIA GUGLIELMI, CHRISTOPH MÖLLERS and ANDRÁS BAKA.

Daniel Halberstam

On September 17, 2020, I published a blogpost on Verfassungsblog, warning that while COVID-19 has not, at the time, been used in Israel as a justification for banning protests, there was reason for concern. The concern materialized on September 30, 2020. The Knesset amended the Coronavirus Law to allow the government to declare a “special coronavirus emergency situation” which raises an array of questions.

13 Oktober 2020

Viktor Z. Kazai,

The Last Days of the Independent Supreme Court of Hungary?

Ordinary courts seem to have remained the last bulwark of individual freedom and the rule of law since the Fidesz government has successfully undermined other nominally democratic institutions, including the Constitutional Court. While the recently published EU Rule of law report discusses the problems of judicial independence in great detail, so far, ordinary courts have resisted political pressure relatively well, largely because of the ruling party’s failure to capture the professional leadership of the judiciary. Various legislative changes by the government in recent years coupled with the upcoming election of the Supreme Court’s new Chief Justice, however, could be fatal to the independence of Hungary’s entire justice system.

How Not to Become Hegemonial

I have to start with a confession: if it was not for the Bundesverfassungsgericht and German legal scholarship, I would have not become the lawyer I am today. Writing a PhD in the Max-Planck-Institute in Heidelberg, attending classes by giants of German public law taught me to appreciate the famous German “Rechtsdogmatik”, a term that can only be poorly translated by “legal doctrine”. The conceptual sophistication and clarity of thoughts, the persuasive power of reasoning, the attention for details and the elegance with which the lack of answers to certain questions is concealed created for me an aura of infallibility and self-evident truth. I also remember my condescending attitude when I met foreign guests in the Max-Planck Institute who were not familiar enough with this constitutional language, or even dared to challenge some of its conclusions. Being inside this world felt reassuring, safe and also elevating. After wandering through the legal education of post-communist Hungary I finally saw the light.

Russell A. Miller

The Ugly German

The novel’s two ugly Americans provide useful models for two facets of hegemony as Gramsci theorized it. Hegemony, he insisted, is more than a state of cultural domination. It is better understood as a process of socio-historical change that takes place before power is institutionalized. The two drivers of the hegemonic process Gramsci theorized are consensus and coercion.

12 Oktober 2020

Miros?aw Wyrzykowski

Constitutional Borrowings, Not Hegemony

The question about the legal hegemony of Germany was raised by comments from lawyers, but also politicians, in connection with the - undoubtedly - controversial decision of the German Constitutional Tribunal in the PSPP case. Armin von Bogdandy’s introduction refers primarily to the problem of the Europeanization of Germany vs. the Germanization of Europe in the context of European integration and Sabino Cassese’s description of “some specific decisions of these more recent EU-specific decisions of the Second Senate of the German Federal Constitutional Court as an attempt to put a German dog leash on European institutions". But it also refers to the past of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the "imposition" of "an enlightened, soft neo-liberalism" on the countries of this region (Bogdan Iancu). In the case of Poland, because Kaczyński’s government seems to be a persecutor against the proceedings which the German jurisprudence provides, "the secret crypt in which the seeds of its spirit will be protected...". (Carl Schmitt).

Rule of (German) Law?

As I see it, the central question is whether Germany, just as it is an economic and a political power in the EU, is also a legal power. This would, of course, beg the question whether this notion makes sense by itself. Is it permitted to speak of legal power in the way it is preached for other forms of power? And supposing the notion applies to Germany as a Member State of the EU, may this national condition be aptly described as hegemonic? The ultimate question behind the questions just mentioned would be ‘How can this problem be tackled?’, assuming that it indeed turns out to be a problem.

On pride, humility and German-American constitutional friendship

Maximilian Steinbeis

Rule of Law als Ideologie

Über Stolz, Demut und deutsch-amerikanische Verfassungsfreundschaft

Oreste Pollicino

The European “Market” for Constitutional Ideas

It was already clear to Seneca, almost 2000 years ago, that “[i]f a man knows not to which port he sails, no wind is favourable”. Now, almost 2000 years later, as mentioned by Armin von Bogdandy in his inspiring introduction to this symposium, we are faced with a crucial question of existential significance: Are we moving towards a Europeanised Germany or a Germanised Europe? In order to answer to the question, we have to draw a distinction between intention and practical effect.

Amal Sethi, Prannv Dhawan

Our focus is a postwar development, namely the European Convention on Human Rights and its interpretation in the case-law of the Court. That case-law evinces the adoption of certain ‘imports’ from the doctrine developed and applied by German domestic courts that, as Judge Wildhaber implied, the concept of German legal thinking must encompass if it has any meaning at all. Without them, the ‘legal world’ inhabited by specialists in the Convention would be entirely different. They accordingly demonstrate the salience of such thinking to the Convention system. But for reasons that we will briefly explore, they do not demonstrate that this thinking is uniquely dominant in the deliberation rooms of the Human Rights Building.

07 Oktober 2020

Nina Betetto, Adam Bodnar, Susana de la Sierra, Maximilian Steinbeis

LawRules #3: We need to talk about Disciplinary Proceedings

Disciplinary proceedings against judges can be a blunt but efficient way to force the independent judiciary under the control of an authoritarian government. How does this work? What can be done against it? What safeguards can be implemented? This is what we discuss this week with the outgoing Polish Ombudsman ADAM BODNAR, with the Slovenian Supreme Court judge and CCJE President NINA BETETTO and with the Spanisch scholar and administrative law professor SUSANA DE LA SIERRA.

Daniel Sarmiento

On the Road to German Hegemony in EU Law?

The influence of the German legal tradition in the European legal community is unquestionable. No other European country has displayed, like Germany has, such an articulate and institutionalized effort of promotion of its own legal system and thinking. The project paid off. EU Law displays an obvious German imprint that is now enforced in twenty-seven Member States. Lawyers throughout the European continent learn German to read the high-quality legal literature produced in German universities and research centers, courts and public institutions. The ultimate sign of intellectual distinction of a European lawyer is to “read the Germans”. No other feature can surpass in pedigree a lawyer’s fluency and ability to dominate German concepts in their very own words.

The Two Faces German Legal Hegemony?

I write this blog post just as I complete my fourth year as a professor of international law in Berlin. I am, as von Bogdandy calls, a Bildungsausländerin. My university education was first in Turkey and then in the United Kingdom. My academic career has been, for the most part, in the UK and then in Turkey. When I moved to Berlin from Istanbul four years ago to take up the professorship of international law at the Hertie School, I imagined Berlin to be somewhere between Istanbul and London. I hoped that it would be the best of both worlds, I would find a home in a city with a handsome Turkish speaking community at a university that conducts education and research in English. I also hoped that speaking Berlin’s two oft-spoken languages, Turkish and English, I would survive with my basic German, and learn more of it along the way and become a late Berliner.

06 Oktober 2020

John Morijn

On Viktor Orbán, the EU Rule of Law Report, and the difference between risk and damage.

Sonja Priebus

Too Little, Too Late

On 30 September, the European Commission has finally presented its long-awaited first edition of the new Annual Rule of Law Report, assessing the situation of the rule of law in all member states. In cases like Hungary and Poland, where the rule of law and democracy have been deliberately dismantled over the years, this monitoring approach, however, will hardly help. The report is unfortunately too little, too late. Instead, the EU needs to strengthen its enforcement capacity by linking breaches of the rule of law with actual sanctions.

The Global Politics of Refugee Protection and Return

Voluntary, safe and dignified return is one of the durable solutions to forced displacement and, thus, hosting states have the responsibility to provide international protection to refugees until the conditions for voluntary repatriation are met. Premature or forced return that is falling short of international standards would mean a violation of the principle of non-refoulement. Current global governance of forced displacement impeding seeking asylum, delaying resettlement, and facilitating return ends up violating the very founding principles of the international refugee regime while exposing refugees and asylum-seekers to violence and higher risks.

01 Oktober 2020

Emanuela Roman

The Burden of Being “Safe”

Cooperation on migration management has been recently characterised by a process of “informalisation”, most prominently in relation to readmission, which saw the proliferation of informal agreements of a dubious legal nature – particularly from a rule of law perspective. This expansion has been two-fold. First, the use of informal agreements has expanded from the national level to the EU level. Second, the informalisation of cooperation with third countries has extended to include not only migration and border management, but also asylum management. This post aims to analyse both expansive shifts, highlighting their impact on international responsibility sharing mechanisms and the protection of asylum seekers’ fundamental rights.

Frequent Recourse to the Principle of ‘Effectiveness’ in ECJ Asylum Jurisprudence

An empirical study of all asylum-related preliminary rulings reveals a disquieting trend: the Court has adopted an administrative, passivist role within the area. Its distinguishing features include an overzealous concern for the technicalities of the legislative instruments before it and sparse to no references to human rights instruments or values in the operative parts of the judgments. In light of the symbolic power carried by the Court’s language, this trend risks sending the wrong signal to national judicial instances; namely, that concerns for the system can legitimately trump concerns for the individuals caught in it.

Aleksandra Gliszczy?ska, John Morijn

Today Tuleya, Tomorrow the EU

Igor Tuleya is someone you should know. He is your judge, wherever you live in the EU. More specifically, he is a judge at the District Court in Warsaw. Next Monday, on October 5th 2020, he may lose his judicial immunity as a result of a hearing before the “Disciplinary Chamber” of the Polish Supreme Court. If this happens, he will likely face subsequent criminal charges, and, as a consequence, a very real risk of imprisonment. If this happens, it will affect every independent and impartial judge in Poland. If this happens, it will affect every EU citizen too.

The questions raised by the use of soft deals - and soft law more generally - in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (‘AFSJ’) are numerous and complex. This post focusses on the justification behind the use of soft deals in the field of readmission, in order to develop two reflections: First, in a legal system founded on the rule of law, recourse to soft deals to elude constitutional constraints is questionable tout court. And secondly, if certain constitutional constraints can arguably be side-lined through the use of soft deals, in the name of flexibility and speed, others must necessarily remain operative and frame the conduct of EU institutions. In the author’s view, at least those Treaty principles that govern EU institutional action independently on the legally binding nature of its outcome remain relevant. Among these, a prominent role in framing the use of soft deals can be attributed to the principle of institutional balance, enshrined in Art. 13(2) TEU.

Action and Reaction

On the packing of courts, when one should do it, and when one should not.

Maximilian Steinbeis

On Bill Barr's constitutional theory

Maximilian Steinbeis

Glaubensdinge

Über Bill Barrs Verfassungstheorie

17 September 2020

Natalie Alkiviadou

Ashen Sunset

Seven years ago today, Pavlos Fyssas was murdered by members of Greece’s Neonazi party Golden Dawn. It was only then, after the death of an ethnic Greek, that the authorities finally took action against the party and its members, having ignored violent acts against migrants, ethnic minorities, disabled persons, LGBT persons and others committed by party members for several years. On 7 October 2020, five and a half years and 453 hearings after the trial against 69 members of Golden Dawn began, judgment will be finally passed.

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

Lock-Down to Avoid Lock-Up?

Whether and to what extent public demonstrations can legitimately be limited in times of a pandemic is a challenge many countries are facing these days. In Israel, however, the COVID-19 crisis is intertwined with an ongoing political crisis. Citizens take to the street against a government which uses the pandemic as an argument to restrict those very protests. With a second lock-down imminent, is freedom of assembly in danger in Israel?

Maximilian Steinbeis

We need to talk about the Rule of Law

What is our new podcast going to be about? What is the concept behind "We need to talk about the rule of law"? What do we want to achieve with this podcast? Why is this urgent? Listen to the Trailer to find out!

16 September 2020

, Polina Kulish

The controversial debate about Eleanor Sharpston’s position as Advocate General has raised a lot of questions: political as well as legal. Many of the legal questions have not been decided by the Courts, the law is ambiguous, and the circumstances with one Member leaving the European Union are unprecedented. And yet, the Court of Justice treated those questions as if the answers were straightforward and clear-cut. In doing so, the Court seems to have ignored the complexity of the legal questions and thereby undercut the effectiveness of the proceedings for interim measures.

14 September 2020

Alberto Coddou Mc Manus,

“Anti-Politics” in the Name of the People

The current Chilean Constitution is politically dead; it does no longer provide legitimacy and integrity to the political system. In the constituent process, the government’s constitutional proposals can be interpreted as being part of what has been called Chilean populist moment, characterised not only by a distrust in expert opinion, a rejection of the elite’s privileges, or a challenge on representative democracy, but an explicit “anti-politics” stance in the name of the people.

12 September 2020

Radosveta Vassileva

On Coins, Parallel Universes and the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism

The European Commission seems to inhabit a universe which is too distant from the realities of Bulgaria and Romania, which are the only EU members subjected to the CVM. Even worse, it is currently attempting to sweep the CVM under the carpet of oblivion for no good reason, as seen in Commissioner Vera Jourova’s presentation on the mechanism before the LIBE Committee at the European Parliament on 10 September 2020. The Commission is attempting to persuade concerned citizens and Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) that it would continue the monitoring of these countries under the new Rule of Law Mechanism. It insists that this be an argument to terminate the CVM, but is this justified?

11 September 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Thug Life

Über Outlaws, Regierungen und was passiert, wenn die eine sich in das andere verwandelt.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Thug Life

On outlaws, governments and what happens when one turns into the other.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov, Graham Butler

150 Jahre wird die französische Republik alt in diesen Tagen. Eine Republik, wechselnde Verfassungen: Die aktuelle gilt seit 1958, aber in Frankreich wächst immer mehr das Gefühl, dass es so nicht weitergehen kann.

Dilek Kurban

Why Robert Spano should resign as President of the ECtHR

On 3-5 September 2020, the ECtHR’s new president Robert Spano paid an official visit to Turkey. Spano’s visit is scandalous for multiple reasons and has caused serious damage to the reputation of the ECtHR that warrants his resignation.

Vladimiro Zagrebelsky

Violation of Freedoms and Judges in Turkey

Sometimes the voice of the president, who cannot be silenced, is one of the few that resound freely to recall the principles and values that are assumed to be typical of Europe. Holding a lecture at one of the Istanbul universities that offered him an honorary degree, the President of the European Court Robert Spano began by saying that he accepted that honour not only because it was a protocol moment, never refused in any member state of the Council of Europe, but also because the ceremony gave him the opportunity to underline the importance of academic freedom and freedom of expression in a democracy governed by the rule of law.

Tolga ?irin, Necdet Umut Orcan

The Symbolic Downfall of the ECtHR in Turkish Public Opinion

The European Court of Human Rights was considered to be very important in Turkey, mostly because it was perceived as the last resort for the frequent injustices within that State.

Marco Goldoni

On the marginalized, the marginalizers and a false symmetry.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Am Rand der Gesellschaft

Über Marginalisierer, Marginalisierte und falsche Symmetrien.

Political Economy in the European Constitutional Imaginary – Moving beyond Fiesole

The volume seeks to re-connect law and political economy, both understood in very broad terms. My contribution provides an additional perspective on this theme, and discusses the place of political economy (or rather its conspicuous absence) in the constitutional imaginary of Europe, which has dominated much of the last three decades. It originated, in the words of Antoine Vauchez, ‘in the hills of Fiesole between Badia Fiesolana and the Villa Schifanoia’ (now of course Villa Salviati). Joseph Weiler’s The Transformation of Europe is the foundational piece of this imaginary. I have recently analysed Transformation and discussed it at the place of its birth. This contribution builds on that analysis

Matthias Goldmann

Integrative Liberalism: A New Paradigm for the Law of Political Economy?

The new volume on the Law of Political Economy (LPE) devises a highly fruitful analytical approach for anyone interested in a better understanding of Europe’s current economic and political transformation, and in particular, the role of law in it. LPE has an adequate sensorium if one assumes (1) that society is not static but evolving and that theoretical approaches based on ideas of “equilibrium” (or, in the field of law, on “systemic coherence”) are therefore unable to understand social evolution; (2) that social evolution is not merely determined by individual economic interests or by the evolution of capitalism as a whole; (3) that legal structures are among the factors influencing that evolution; and (4) that law, or, to be more precise, public law and legislation (as the contribution by Emilios Christodoulidis insists), might even hold one of the keys to social integration.

In Belarus kämpft Alexander Lukaschenka mit ungezügelter Brutalität um seine Macht. Und ob es ihm gelingt, sie zu behalten, davon hängt auch für den russischen Präsidenten Vladimir Putin ungeheuer viel ab. Im gleichen Moment wird Putins schärfster Kritiker Alexei Navalny mit einer akuten Vergiftung ins Krankenhaus eingeliefert und dann nach Deutschland ausgeflogen. Wie hängt das zusammen? Ist der Anschlag ein Zeichen von Stärke oder von Schwäche? Diese Fragen diskutiert Max Steinbeis mit der Politikwissenschaftlerin und Russland-Expertin Silvia von Steinsdorff von der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin.

Daniel E. Walters

Why Proceduralism Won’t Save Us from Trump

Can procedural rules rein in the Trump Administration? Many people got their hopes up that they can and will, especially after the United States Supreme Court announced its decision on the DACA rescission. Trump's Department of Homeland Security, however, has announced that it intends to begin dismantling DACA yet again.

Das System in Weißrussland schwankt. Die Belarussen wollen ihren Staatschef Lukaschenko loswerden. Nehmen wir an, sie würden ihren Plan erfolgreich in die Tat umsetzen: Wie ginge es dann mit Belarus weiter? Was würde aus der Verfassung Weißrusslands? Und welche Auswirkungen hatte die bereits verstrichene Amtszeit des angeblich "letzten Diktators Europas" auf umliegende Staaten wie Polen, Serbien oder Ungarn? Uladzislau Belavusau hat Antworten - die er mit Max Steinbeis im Podcast-Interview teilt.

Radosveta Vassileva

The current presidential campaign has already been described as a “révolution de femmes” by Le Monde and echoed with “an ordinary Belarusian wife looking after her two children […] posing the greatest threat to an authoritarian rule” by the Financial Times. The improbable presidential candidate Śviatłana Cichanoǔskaja (or Tsikhanouskaya) decided to run in the campaign in place of her husband Siarhiej Cichanoǔski. He and two other increasingly popular alternative candidates – Viktar Babaryka and Valery Capkała – were not allowed to compete for office, all for different reasons. They were unusually hard challengers for the current autocratic ruler Aliaksandar Łukašenka, who is running for his sixth consecutive term following his 26 years in power.

Merijn Chamon, Thomas Verellen

Whittling Down the Collective Interest

On Friday 31 July, the Cypriot parliament voted against the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada. This latest development in the ratification process of CETA illustrates perfectly how facultative mixity continuously frustrates our collective interest in seeing the development of a European public sphere by forcing the discussion on European issues in isolated national public spheres.

04 August 2020

Silvia Steininger

Toto, we are not in Kansas anymore

The massive consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic are felt throughout the world, not the least in our daily work as scholars and practitioners. While the effect of the pandemic upon the political, legal, and economic systems have been widely debated also on this blog (see here, here, here), the last months have also brought about one of the most rapid and encompassing structural transformations in both academia and legal practice. Reflections on its consequences upon academia were so far overshadowed by more imminent concerns such as the reopening of campuses, student mobility, and mass layoffs in higher education. Yet, many of the changes brought about by the pandemic are here to stay on a long-term basis, hence, this post attempts a first sketch of a critical reflection by discussing some of the potentials and challenges posed by the “Zoomification” of our working lives.

01 August 2020

Strasbourg slams old democracies on elections

On July 10 this year, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights delivered a seminal judgement in the field of elections in the case of Mugemangango v. Belgium. Beyond its implications for Belgium in particular and the interpretation of Article 3 of Protocol 1 of the ECHR in general, the judgement rocks the long-standing distinction in Strasbourg case-law between old and new democracies. The message from Strasbourg is as clear as it is timely: The rule of law applies equally for all.

Schrems II: The Right to Privacy and the New Illiberalism

This post unpacks the implications of Schrems II for this new, unstable, and in many instances, illiberal political landscape. A number of excellent posts on this blog have already examined the impact of Schrems II on the corporate actors that transfer EU data globally. My focus here is on how Schrems II and the CJEU’s evolving jurisprudence on the right to privacy can be read as targeting the political developments of recent years.

Lucas Brang

The Counter-Enlightenment Strikes Back

How does one make sense of the piece of legislation known as the “Constitution” in a political context where there are no effective mechanisms for its enforcement, and where constitutional text and political reality diverge dramatically? For the longest part of the post-1989 era, the majority of Chinese jurists approached this predicament with an avowedly reformist attitude. Using the familiar language of Enlightenment universalism, they called for the gradual overcoming, through an empowered judiciary, of the rift separating political reality from normative ideal: China, it was said, was “marching toward an age of rights”.

27 Juli 2020

Yes I do ... have a migration background. Yet, due to mere genetic randomness, my “Germanness” has hardly ever been challenged – at least until the moment when it comes to the correct spelling of my family name: “KHan” not “KaHn” – Dschinghis, not Oliver – please! Occasionally, I still get carried away with coquetting in my lectures: “I would be inclined to say – I am a case of successful integration.” Some students may then be slightly embarrassed, in particular after a controversial discussion about immigration policy. But that’s it basically, my personal home story about “racism”! But to be very clear and unambiguous: my father’s story is a much longer and a much more painful one! But that’s another story.

Michaela Hailbronner,

Parity laws in Germany – Caving in to Gender Backlash or Consolidating Women’s Citizenship Status?

In this contribution we examine the German developments in light of broader European debates. Though we believe that the German Basic Law can support stronger arguments for parity laws in representative political institutions, we do not need to make such stronger arguments here to defend the constitutionality of parity laws. For what is at stake is ultimately a question of legislative discretion: whether German legislatures are allowed to pass parity laws as a matter of state and federal constitutional law. Such legislative discretion is particularly appropriate where the constitutional text itself provides no clear standards, academic commentators disagree and where – as in this case – there exists a significant European trend towards adopting gender quotas with regional and international institutions repeatedly encouraging the adoption of such laws.

17 Juli 2020

, Sinthiou Buszewski, Evin Dalkilic

Perspektivwechsel

Über Schwarz und Weiß und alles dazwischen.

, Sinthiou Buszewski, Evin Dalkilic

Changing Perspectives

On Black and White and everything in between.

Bertil Emrah Oder

Attacking the Bar Associations

In the midst of pandemic, thousands of attorneys-at-law in Turkey have spent days and nights for almost two weeks to protest a bill that prescribes amendments in the Advocacy Law. The bill would reduce the representation of (generally progressive) lawyers from Turkey’s big cities in the national Union of Turkish Bar Associations and furthermore allows setting up new bar associations. It is feared that this might be used to weaken the existing strong bar associations that have repeatedly criticized the government in the past on matters concerning human rights and the protection of the rule of law.

16 Juli 2020

Michaela Hailbronner,

Gender Parity in Parliaments – an Introduction

In an ideal world, there would be no laws mandating equal representation of men and women. Candidates for political offices would be selected according to their ability and political programs, representative bodies would roughly represent the composition of society, and the gender of the candidates would hardly be worth mentioning. In the political reality in Germany and elsewhere things are different.

Genna Churches, Monika Zalnieriute

A Groundhog Day in Brussels

16 July 2020 feels like Groundhog Day in Brussels. For those, who did not see the famous film Groundhog Day, it’s about reliving the same experience again and again until the main protagonist gets ‘why’. Similarly, the much anticipated Schrems II decision, delivered by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) today, is almost a ‘reliving’ of its earlier decision in Schrems I. How many ‘Schrems’ are we going to have — and who is the protagonist that needs to get ‘why’? Let’s look at it all in more detail.

Henning Lahmann

Hacking Back and International Law: An Irreconcilable Pair?

Imagine you‘re at the onset of a global pandemic, and one of the nation‘s leading hospitals falls victim to a debilitating cyberattack, crippling its medical infrastructure for days. This is exactly what happened to Brno University Hospital on March 13, then home to one of the largest COVID-19 testing facilities in the Czech Republic. Now imagine further that your national security authorities identify a command and control server through which the attackers execute the malicious cyber operation, which would end immediately if you were to hack “back” into that system to render it inoperative (this part is fiction). Technically, that would be feasible. Alas, you realise that the server is located abroad. Shouldn't you be allowed to go ahead and heroically save the nation?

Wojciech Sadurski

Are These “Moral Dilemmas” Real?

Yesterday, András Jakab talked about the 'moral dilemmas' that constitutional scholars face when teaching in a country where the rule of law is eroding and illustrated some possibilities to deal with them. WOJIECH SADURSKI disagrees.

15 Juli 2020

Saksham Shrivastav, Adesh Sharma

The Celebration of Extra-Judicial Murders: Who’s Watching India?

Police killing and brutality have become common news in India lately, with various cases where citizens were beaten, and even killed, on account of trivial violations of the nationwide COVID-lockdown. Instead of using its resources and manpower to gather evidence and bring the accused to trial, the police in India seems to prefer the easy way of extra-judicial killings. The incidents of these killings on the very face of it seem fabricated, as eerily similar narratives are given. Since the draconian Indian Criminal Procedure Code allows the police to fatally injure a person ‘forcibly’ resisting or evading arrest, if he is accused of an offence punishable with death or life imprisonment, most of these narratives include the accused trying to evade the police or firing at it. Such killings with deliberately concocted circumstances, are in common parlance termed as ‘fake encounter’.

Wojciech Sadurski, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #44: Was jetzt auf Polen zukommt

Die Präsidentschaftswahl in Polen ist gelaufen, alle haben artig dem Amtsinhaber Andrzej Duda zur zweiten Amtszeit gratuliert, als sei das einfach nur eine demokratische Wahl wie jede andere. Dass sie das nicht war, sondern vielmehr die letzte, nunmehr verpasste Ausfahrt vor dem endgültigen Umbau Polens in eine Autokratie, erfährt man, wenn man mit Leuten wie WOJCIECH SADURSKI redet. Der ist seit vielen Jahren Professor für Rechtstheorie an der Universität Sydney und als solcher ein Gelehrter von Weltruf, aber auch in seinem Heimatland Polen wissenschaftlich und öffentlich sehr präsent – so sehr, dass ihn die Regierungspartei PiS und ihre Verbündeten mit mehreren Gerichtsverfahren überzogen haben. Mit ihm spricht Max Steinbeis in der heutigen Folge unseres Krisenpodcasts über die freie Bahn, die die PiS-Regierung jetzt hat für ihre autoritären Pläne.

Moral Dilemmas of Teaching Constitutional Law in an Autocratizing Country

We often (here and here) talk about the methodological challenges that autocratizing regimes pose to constitutional scholars. However, so far we have not given enough attention to the moral dilemmas that constitutional law scholars face on a daily basis when teaching at universities that are geographically located in autocratizing countries. Constitutional law professors in such regimes are today facing moral dilemmas that they definitely did not sign up for when they originally chose their jobs. Traditionally, in continental legal cultures, university education focuses on doctrinal-conceptual legal thinking (Rechtsdogmatik) which systematizes elements of positive law (legal provisions, judicial decisions) along key concepts, with the help of doctrinal academic writings. All this presupposes a minimum level of the rule of law, and exactly this is fading away in autocratizing countries.

Ioannis Glinavos

The Chinese threat we forgot about: Huawei and ISDS

During the era of coronavirus emergency, the words China and threat tend to suggest the origin of our common affliction. The world to emerge from coronavirus however will face both new challenges and the echo of old ones. An old problem is what to do about Chinese involvement in 5G infrastructure development. In light of the recent ban for Huawei equipment by the UK this post addresses the question of whether the Chinese multinational Huawei would have an investment claim against the German government were they to prohibit its participation in 5G deployment.

14 Juli 2020

Tobias Singelnstein, Charlotte Heppner

Corona Constitutional #43: Hat jemand Stammbaumforschung gesagt?

Während vor vier Wochen die gewaltsamen Krawalle in Stuttgart für mediale Aufregung gesorgt haben, ist es jetzt deren Aufklärung. Hinter dem Stichwort „Stammbaumforschung” verbergen sich bundesweite Recherchen bei Standesämtern, die die Stuttgarter Polizei anstellt, um einen etwaigen Migrationshintergrund der Tatverdächtigen feststellen zu können. Was das für die aktuelle Debatte um möglicherweise rassistische Strukturen in den Behörden aussagt und was für gute Polizeiarbeit wichtig ist, bespricht Charlotte Heppner im heutigen Podcast mit TOBIAS SINGELNSTEIN.

Tobias Singelnstein, Charlotte Heppner

A few notes on our own behalf

Maximilian Steinbeis

Was sich das Bundesinnenministerium eigentlich denkt, haben sich in letzter Zeit viele gefragt. Wenig präsent ist hingegen die Frage, wie das Innenministerium denkt. Der Anthropologe WERNER SCHIFFAUER erforscht die Kultur und innere Funktionsweise des BMI. Über zwiespältige Selbstbilder, institutionelle Persönlichkeitsspaltungen und autoritäres Erbgut spricht er im heutigen Podcast-Interview mit Max Steinbeis.

Kristin Bergtora Sandvik, Julia Koehler-Olsen

Children in Lockdown

Medically (while more scientific studies are necessary), COVID-19 largely seems to have little impact on children. However, children have been deeply affected by the lockdowns implemented to protect everyone else’s vulnerability. There is one issue which has so far received scant attention in the Covid-19 English-language constitutional law analysis, namely that of the ramifications of domestic lockdowns for children’s constitutional protections. Using Norway as a case study, we identify a set of issues and propose how a critique could have been articulated.

David M. Driesen

SCOTUS Aids Trump’s Drive to Autocracy

The United States Supreme Court just took a big step in that authoritarian direction in Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, in a 5-4 decision. In that case, the Supreme Court created a constitutional rule that the President has the right to fire high executive branch officials for political reasons.

30 Juni 2020

Stephen F. Ross, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #39: Stare Decisis

Gestern hat der US Supreme Court ein Gesetz gekippt, das eine Abtreibung im Bundesstaat Louisiana nahezu unmöglich gemacht hätte. Die entscheidende Stimme kam von Chief Justice Roberts, einem erzkonservativen Abtreibungsgegner. Während sich Liberale erfreut die Augen reiben und das Weiße Haus ein “unglückliches Urteil” beklagt, wird STEPHEN F. ROSS von der Penn State Law School misstrauisch: Könnte es sein, dass Trumps scheinbarer Rückschlag eigentlich ein Wahlkampfgeschenk ist — in Abtreibungsdebatte verpackt und mit verfassungsrechtlichem Schleifchen verziert? Diese These bespricht er im heutigen Podcast-Interview mit Max Steinbeis.

New Salt into an Open Wound

The entry ban imposed by the Japanese government on April 3 in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic has shed a new light on the somewhat “schizophrenic” situation that foreign nationals in Japan often find themselves in. While the Japanese government is slowly trying to open the labor market for foreign talent, launching internationalization campaigns at universities and building towards an international image surrounding the upcoming Olympic Games, the reality of foreign workers’ rights protection in Japan looks bleak in many respects. In fact, foreign residents in Japan still face social and legal discrimination of various kinds.

29 Juni 2020

Serhii Lashyn

On burning flags, freedom of opinion and why we don't care if foreigners get hit

Maximilian Steinbeis

Von Flaggen, Grenzen und Strafen

Über Flaggenverbrennung, Meinungsfreiheit und warum uns die so wenig interessiert, wenn es doch nur Ausländer_innen trifft

Catriona Mullay

No unity in the United Kingdom

The United Kingdom has not achieved a unified approach towards COVID-19. Rather, the crisis has exposed the transformation of the UK into nations pulling in quite different directions. This post will discuss the disunity in the British response to coronavirus, focusing on the Scottish and British governments. COVID-19 illustrates the political and legal instability of the British constitution as the country exits the European Union.

Pierre de Vos

“Race” and the Constitution: A South African perspective

For a South African constitutional lawyer, watching from afar, the current debate in Germany on the removal of the word “race” from section 3 of article 3 of the German Basic Law, is perplexing. In the South African context, a similar call would widely be viewed as a regressive step aimed at protecting white privilege and reinforcing the social and economic dominance of the white minority. The South African and German contexts and histories differ, and the word “race” might have different connotations in German than it has in English, but it may nevertheless be of interest to consider why the words “race”, “racial” and “non-racialism” are mentioned in several provisions of the South African Constitution.

25 Juni 2020

Carl Baudenbacher

Loyalty vs. Sovereignty

The German Constitutional Court’s Weiss ruling has led to a major debate as to whether a national supreme court may disregard ECJ case law, asserting that the ECJ had acted ultra vires. Similar debates have existed for quite some time in the EFTA pillar of the EEA, consisting of Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. A relatively small but powerful group of lawyers in the Norwegian administration (led by the Government Attorney), orthodox dualist professors and judges loyal to the government has used Norway’s dominant position to attempt to redefine EEA law. One of the most effective strategies is the suppression of the notion of loyalty or good faith and its replacement by a strategy of creating “room for manoeuvre” (“RFM”) for Norway.

Bringing a Hammer to the Chess Board

In cases where constitutional law is slowly losing its normative force, sophisticated doctrinal-conceptual systems (Verfassungsdogmatik) may even become ridiculous and, to some degree, dishonest. While showing a very few examples of doctrinal absurdities in a judgment of a captured and subservient constitutional court can be meaningful (also in order to corroborate the claim about its captured nature), writing a thorough doctrinal analysis on such a judgment is a futile, frustrating and meaningless exercise. A thorough doctrinal analysis can even legitimize the theater of legalism by taking seriously words which are not worth to be taken seriously. Judicial decisions of captured courts and doctrinal writings of pro-autocracy academics in these countries can be viewed as merely performative acts (as opposed to reasons).

24 Juni 2020

, Charlotte Heppner

Corona Constitutional #38: Das Virus in der Fleischfabrik

Der Corona-Ausbruch in der Fleischfabrik Tönnies im Kreis Gütersloh lenkt die politische und gesellschaftliche Aufmerksamkeit einmal mehr auf die Fleischindustrie und ihre (desolaten) Arbeitsbedingungen. Charlotte Heppner spricht im heutigen Podcast mit Rechtsanwalt MICHAEL WINKELMÜLLER über die regulatorischen Vorgaben für die Fleischindustrie und die Verantwortung, die wir als Gesellschaft für die dort herrschenden Zustände tragen.

Gareth Davies

On 18 June 2020, in the case of Commission v Hungary (Transparency of associations), the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice held that Hungarian authorities “introduced discriminatory and unjustified restrictions on foreign donations to civil society organisations” when it adopted a new legislation on NGO in 2017. How will the Hungarian government react? Six potential scenarios can be outlined from not doing anything (scenario 1) – an unlikely option due to the threat of pecuniary sanctions – to full and good faith compliance with the judgment resulting in the total repeal of the Lex NGO (scenario 6) – equally unlikely. Between these two, four additional ones may be foreseen.

Thorsten Kingreen, Charlotte Heppner

Der entsetzliche Missbrauchsfall in Münster, bei dem die Ermittlungsbehörden unter anderem 400 Terabyte Daten kinderpornographischen Materials entdeckten, stieß eine heftige Debatte um Strafverschärfungen im Bereich des sexuellen Kindesmissbrauchs an. ANNE-KATRIN WOLF arbeitet als Rechtsanwältin in Berlin, mit dem Schwerpunkt Strafverteidigung und Vertretung von Opfern von Straftaten, und ist Mitglied der Strafrechtskommission des Deutschen Juristinnenbundes. Mit Charlotte Heppner bespricht sie im heutigen Podcast die lauter werdenden Forderungen nach Strafverschärfungen — und was wirklich nötig wäre, um Kinder vor sexuellem Missbrauch zu schützen.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Arbitrary and capricious

On dreamers, Trump, the US Supreme Court and the difference between a Rechtsstaat and an authoritarian regime.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Willkürlich und launenhaft

Über Dreamer, Trump, den US Supreme Court und den Unterschied zwischen einem Rechtsstaat und einem autoritärem Regime.

18 Juni 2020

Aymen Briki

Inherited Confusion

Necessitas non habet legem, this ancient maxim meaning that necessity has no law appears to be applicable to Tunisia during the pandemic. The Tunisian authorities rapidly took measures to fight the coronavirus outbreak. But the broad language used in the legal texts ruling the COVID-19 crisis – such as the constitution and the various governmental and presidential decrees – combined with legal doctrine likening Tunisia’s constitutional emergency clause to that of France have added to the confusion of power. This is not only endangering the newly installed democratic government but illustrates how the adoption of a foreign constitutional framework impacts new democracies, making it difficult for the Tunisian constitutional system to evolve.

Who is ultra vires now?

For decades, and until a few weeks ago, Article 310 TFEU has been seen as prohibiting the EU from borrowing to finance its expenditure. The Commission’s Next Generation EU proposal reverses that interpretation and raises fundamental questions of EU law and its dynamic interpretation. With such a sudden change of heart, are the Member States under a duty to follow? What constitutional limits remain to their membership obligations?

17 Juni 2020

Alessandra Arcuri, Federica Violi, Sophia Paulini, Stephanie Triefus

Investment Law in Corona Times: How Myths Fuel Injustice

One of the leitmotivs of the discourse around the pandemic is that ‘there cannot be going back to business as usual’ (see here and here). Yet, it is business as usual that is alarmingly looming in Corona times. In this context, at least two developments are worthy of note: the first is the much discussed risk of a wave of Covid-related investment claims. The second, possibly less noticed, is that countries are silently expanding the scope of a system that does not adequately strengthen sustainability in economic relations, despite laconic initiatives to this purpose.

Masuma Shahid

Workplace Pride

The United States Supreme Court issued a landmark decision in Bostock v. Clayton Countyon 15 June 2020 with major implications for 8,1 million LGBTQ+ workers (1 million of which transgender individuals), that now enjoy protection against discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation and/or gender identity. This contribution delves into the Court’s decision and its consequences, and also discusses its past key LGBTQ+ related rulings that have brought much-needed equality for the LGBTQ+ community in the last 20 years.

16 Juni 2020

Emilio Peluso Neder Meyer, Thomas Bustamante

Judicial Responses to Bolsonarism: The Leading Role of the Federal Supreme Court

Criticism against the Brazilian judiciary, especially the Supreme Court, has been on the rise in the past couple of decades. Under Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency, however, courts are experiencing a more radical and dangerous form of opposition, which transcends the borders of legitimate criticism and undertakes a direct attack on the judicial branch. This must be understood in light of the Federal Supreme Court’s backlash against Bolsonaro’s maneuvers to flame his supporters and violate the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. This article aims at recollecting the most important rulings and procedures that take part in this reaction.

Cannelle Lavite

On Berlin, communizing real-estate behemoths and the power to initiate a law

Maximilian Steinbeis

Wer ein Gesetz begehrt, soll eins entwerfen

Über Berlin, zu verstaatlichende Immobilienkonzerne und die Macht, die dem Recht auf Gesetzesinitiative innewohnt.

11 Juni 2020

Kartikeya Jaiswal, Pranay Modi

From Legal Fiction to Reality: Securing the Dignity of India’s Manual Scavengers

Manual scavenging is one of the most inhumane and abhorrent sanitation practices prevalent in modern India: broadly, it means deploying individuals to manually clean up drainage systems. ‘Manual scavengers’ (unfortunately, for the lack of a better term) have been denied their humanitarian due for centuries in the Indian sub-continent and their constitutional due for 70 years in the Republic of India – it is high time the Law dismantles the structure that perpetuates their oppression.

Bharatt Goel

Homosexuality as a Form of Expression

Numerous courts have dealt with the question whether the sexual identity of an individual enjoys constitutional protection as freedom of expression. Recently, Singapore’s Supreme Court has rejected this understanding of the freedom of expression which highlights the different approaches of courts across countries like Singapore, India, Botswana, and Kenya.

10 Juni 2020

Ursus Eijkelenberg

The German Federal Constitutional Court's ruling on the BND establishes that the German fundamental rights guarantee protections against the interference of a German state authority like the BND also for non-German nationals in non-German territory. The court, however, leaves the question unaddressed of whether the extra-territorial applicability of the German fundamental rights extends to other scenarios as well, and especially to the other dimensions of the German fundamental rights.

Francesco Costamagna, Matthias Goldmann

Constitutional Innovation, Democratic Stagnation?

The recovery plan of the Commission entitled “Next Generation EU” proposes a compromise that goes beyond the ominous lowest common denominator. With a package of EUR 750bn in total, comprising EUR 250bn in loans and the rest in grants, the Commission paves the way for both forward-looking public finance and constitutional innovation. The proposals are masterpieces of high-tech legal engineering. Again, European constitutional law evolves through crisis. Yet, again, it stands to reason how far the proposed instruments will shift the European Union towards enhancing solidarity and democracy.

Jud Mathews

Trump vs. Twitter

Donald Trump is among the world’s most famous and prolific Twitter brawlers, picking fights — while the sitting President of the United States — with, among others, Greta Thunberg, supermodel Chrissy Teigen, and his former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. Now he finds himself in a fight with Twitter itself, and he is bringing the power of his high office to bear. After Twitter began flagging tweets from the President under a new fact-checking policy, Trump issued an Executive Order (EO) that threatens actions against platforms engaged in “Online Censorship.” The legal effects of the President’s action are likely to be limited. The broader political effects are harder to gauge.

29 Mai 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Terrible Order

On Hong Kong, Kompetenz-Kompetenz and the necessity of taking sides.

Maximilian Steinbeis

A Motion of No Confidence and Political Power Struggles Amidst a Pandemic

Only in office since the beginning of February, Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti did not survive a motion of no confidence in late March. Instead of calling new elections, the President of the Republic has been working towards forming a new government, invoking his right to propose a Prime Minister. This move, however, has no basis in the constitution, and the Constitutional Court is expected to clarify the matter any day.

27 Mai 2020

David Law, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #30: One Country, One System

Ein Vierteljahrhundert lang hat sich Hong Kong als liberale, rechtsstaatliche Insel in einem autoritären Staat gehalten. Nun plant die chinesische Regierung ein neues Sicherheitsgesetz, das von Liberalität und Grundrechtsschutz wohl nicht viel übrig lassen wird. Im Podcast-Interview mit Max Steinbeis beleuchtet DAVID LAW von der Universität Hong Kong die verfassungsrechtlichen Hintergründe dieser bedrückenden Entwicklung, und stößt auf die dringende Frage: Welche Möglichkeiten und welche Verantwortung haben Wissenschaftler_innen, wenn es brenzlig wird im Kampf um die Freiheit?

Evangelos Venizelos

Passive and Unequal: The Karlsruhe Vision for the Eurozone

The decision of the Bundesverfassungsgericht on the European Central Bank’s PSPP program did not come as a shock. All the critical arguments of that decision can be found explicitly or implicitly in the BVerfG’s referral to the Court of Justice of the EU on 18 July 2017. The real object of the decision of the BVerfG is the economic governance of the Eurozone or rather the big bet of European solidarity and European integration, in the midst of a pandemic even.

26 Mai 2020

Christian Walter, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #29: Bundesbank in der Zwickmühle

Über das EZB-Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts haben wir schon viel gestritten. Aber wie genau soll es jetzt weiter gehen? Um das herauszufinden, hat der Bundestag gestern eine Gruppe Sachverständiger eingeladen. Einer von ihnen war CHRISTIAN WALTER, Professor an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München. Mit ihm spricht Max Steinbeis in der heutigen Podcastfolge über die komplizierten Folgen des umstrittenen Urteils.

R. Daniel Kelemen, Piet Eeckhout, Federico Fabbrini, Laurent Pech,

Brazil is suffering under the corona pandemic, while the president (mis)governs the country by denying scientific evidence. Therefore, the COVID-19 pandemic seems a good time to explore the right to science and how it might help in this situation.

Ghana has adopted several measures in tackling the COVID-19 global pandemic, chief among them being the enactment of new legislation to tackle the issue, and the exercise of powers under pre-existing legislation. A formal state of emergency has not been declared in the wake of the pandemic, leading to debates, for instance regarding the impact of the current situation on the 2020 elections.

Paul Kalinichenko, Elizaveta Moskovkina

Russia – With Scepter and Corona

Since the first cases of COVID-19 were registered in Zabaikalsky kray and Tumenskaya oblast on 31 January 2020, the Russian government has reacted to the challenge of the epidemic by enacting new legislation and introducing some emergency measures. The pandemic is bringing new and unpleasant surprises, creating specific social, economic and legal hardships which is making the unstable life of Russian citizens even worse.

22 Mai 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Watching the Peacock Dance

Why is Viktor Orbán suddenly making nice with the ECJ and closing the Röszke camp? I don't know. But I have some suspicions.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Dem Pfau beim Tanz zusehen

Warum gibt sich Viktor Orbán plötzlich handzahm gegenüber dem EuGH und schließt das Lager Röszke? Das weiß ich auch nicht, habe aber so meine Vermutungen.

Christoph Krenn, Alexander Melzer

Corona Constitutional #28: EuGH, der vertraute Unbekannte

Das umstrittene EZB-Urteil hat mal wieder ein Schlaglicht auf das komplizierte Verhältnis der Karlsruher Richterinnen und Richter zum EuGH geworfen. Auf der Beziehung lastet unter anderem, dass die beiden Institutionen sehr unterschiedlich arbeiten. Aber wie arbeitet der EuGH überhaupt? Darüber unterhält sich Alexander Melzer im heutigen Podcast mit CHRISTOPH KRENN von der Universität Wien.

Oliver Garner

Squaring the PSPP Circle

The PSPP judgment made a core problem of the European Union painfully visible as the supremacy of EU law clashed with national constitutional identity. There is, however, a possibility to square this circle: national apex courts could be empowered to issue ‘declarations of incompatibility’ under Article 4(2) TEU as an alternative to the disapplication of EU law.

, Mariela Morales Antoniazzi

States of Emergency without Rule of Law: The Case of Venezuela

Nicolás Maduro, who still holds the presidency, declared a state of alarm on March 13, 2020, invoking the need to counter the pandemic. However, the corresponding decree not only contradicts the constitutional provisions for states of exception but is also being employed to impose abusive limitations on human rights, to aggravate political repression and persecution, to blur the seriousness of certain socio-economic problems, and to contain social protests. The absence of judicial and parliamentary controls that could counteract these excesses of power has resulted in an autocratic shift within a context that was already authoritarian.

Slovakia: Change of Government under COVID-19 Emergency

The Slovak experience with the COVID-19 pandemic has been affected by the fact that the outbreak took place at the time of a change in government. The new government, because of its relative inexperience and populist tendencies, has committed mistakes, often amounting to an infringement of citizens' fundamental rights and freedoms, especially the freedom of movement.

21 Mai 2020

Francesca Bignami

Law or Politics?

Why should a proportionality assessment of an instrument of monetary policy, which no one doubts is at least in part designed to increase money supply and combat deflation, examine that instrument’s effect on economic policy? There are two different answers—one under EU law, the other under German law.

Can Parliament Exercise Effective Control over the Emergency Legislation?

Despite the enormous delegation of power under the recent emergency legislation, the Hungarian parliament is still able to exercise parliamentary scrutiny and its constitutional prerogatives.

Cameroon’s Fight Against COVID-19: An Ordinary Legal Framework for an Extraordinary Situation

Cameroon has neither resorted to the exceptional measures that its constitution provides for, nor adopted a new law for the occasion, as many other countries have done. The state has instead relied on already existing provisions, applicable in ordinary times to combat the pandemic. This speaks volumes about the “ordinary” powers of the administrative authorities.

Bianca Selejan-Gutan

Romania in the Covid Era: Between Corona Crisis and Constitutional Crisis

In Romania, the sanitary crisis caused by the SARS-COV-2 pandemic started during an existing political crisis and overlapped, at a few crucial moments, with a constitutional crisis. The fact that 2020 is an electoral year had an important impact on the crisis management: on the one hand, the political conflicts increased, but, on the other hand, the fact that the power did not belong to the same political majority hindered potential abuses of one of the actors, especially of the President.

20 Mai 2020

, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #27: Justiz-Iron Man in Polen

Seit Wochen streiten die Richterinnen und Richter des polnischen Obersten Gerichtshofs darüber, wer für den vakanten Präsidentenposten kandidieren soll. Am Freitag könnte die Entscheidung endlich fallen. Was genau dort vor sich geht, und was auf dem Spiel steht, erklärt ANNA WÓJCIK vom Osiatyński Archiv im Gespräch mit Max Steinbeis.

Stefan Braum

From Dialogue to Trialogue

The current clash between the Federal Constitutional Court and the ECJ should not obscure the fact that none of the two courts fits the cliché they are often turned into. A view at some ECJ decisions regarding criminal law makes this clear. Nonetheless, the dynamic between the courts must change – maybe the European citizen can step in and offer help.

Karlsruhe hat entschieden: Auch im Ausland müssen sich deutsche Behörden an Grundrechte halten, auch ausländische Staatsbürger dürfen nicht uneingeschränkt überwacht werden. Warum die Zivilgesellschaft aufatmen, sich aber auf keinen Fall zurücklehnen darf, bespricht Alexander Melzer im heutigen Podcast mit WOLFGANG KALECK, Generalsekretär des European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR).

Die rechtsextremen und die weniger rechtsextremen Mitglieder der AfD streiten sich über den Rauswurf ihres Brandenburgischen Landesvorsitzenden. Oder war es doch kein Rauswurf? Kann es sein, das Andreas Kalbitz 7 Jahre lang Parteimitglied war, ohne eines zu sein? Über die parteienrechtlichen Fragen, die der Causa Kalbitz zugrunde liegen, unterhält sich Max Steinbeis im heutigen Podcast mit SVEN JÜRGENSEN, Parteienforscher an der Universität Düsseldorf und Associate Editor des Verfassungsblogs.

Like many other countries across the world, Nigeria has called upon emergency powers to deal with COVID-19 without, however, having declared a state of emergency. The use of emergency powers in Nigeria in the fight against COVID-19 is not only peculiar but problematic for a number of reasons.

17 Mai 2020

Hanno Kube

Lehren aus Karlsruhe – die EU-Finanzierung weiterdenken

Das Ultra-Vires-Urteil aus Karlsruhe ist ein weiterer Beleg dafür, dass die Europäische Union in der derzeitigen Strukturierung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion nicht zukunftsfähig ist. Eine demokratisch nur dünn legitimierte, aus guten Gründen unabhängige Institution, deren Mandat die Preisstabilität betrifft, zum faktischen Garanten für das finanzielle Überleben der Mitgliedstaaten zu machen, und dieses Überleben ausgerechnet durch eine weitere Ausdehnung der Staatsverschuldung sichern zu wollen, die zudem die Unabhängigkeit der Institution gefährdet, weist in die Irre.

Rait Maruste

When judges must rely on newspapers to clarify a decision they decided a week before, something seems to have gone wrong. However, while the BVerfG seems to be taken aback by the storm of indignation that burst upon them since last week’s PSPP decision, the judges remain adamant in their criticism of the CJEU. Luxembourg should perhaps even fear another ultra vires decision.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The liberal elite send their regards

On skewed pictures, failed PR campaigns and the ongoing fallout of last week's ultra vires judgment of the Bundesverfassungsgericht.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Excessive Law Enforcement in Kenya

Kenya's President is yet to declare a state of emergency and has opted to implement measures that ensure citizens can continue with their lives. Constitutionally, rights may only be limited by law and only to the extent that is reasonable and justifiable in an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom.

Welches Verständnis von Demokratie, Verfassung und staatlicher Souveränität liegt der "Ultra Vires"-Entscheidungen des BVerfG zu Grunde? Welche möglichen längerfristigen Motive treibt die Richterinnen und Richter zu einer derartigen Eskalation an? Zu dieser und anderen Fragen unterhält sich Alexander Melzer mit dem Politikwissenschaftler OLIVER LEMBCKE von der Ruhr-Universität Bochum.

Karen Alter

Is it a Dance or is it Chicken?

I cut my teeth studying the German Constitutional Court’s relationship with the European Court of Justice. A recent article in the Financial Times used the metaphor of a dance to explain the GCC’s history of pushing back against the ECJ’s authority. In 2001, I called it a game of chicken. I don’t worry that playing chicken with the ECJ inevitably leads to European disintegration. The GCC’s ECB ruling is, however, the wrong decision issued at the wrong time. Economic policy-makers will and should ignore the ruling, and for this reason I expect the GCC to step back from the brink, once again. But harm is nonetheless being inflicted on a tottering global economy, a fragile European project, and a disintegrating popular support for the rule of law.

Beyond the State of Alarm: COVID-19 in Spain

The confinements imposed by the Spanish Government in response to the pandemic are among the most intense in comparative terms since they contain a prohibition of going out into the street with only limited exceptions. Given their intensity, especially the strong limits imposed on the freedom of movement, the restrictions are rather suspensions than mere restrictions of fundamental rights and as such go beyond their legal basis of the state of alarm.

12 Mai 2020

Ivan Cavdarevic

Serbia and Covid-19: State of Emergency in a State in Disarray

The reaction of the Serbian authorities to the Covid-19 crisis demonstrated a weakness of Serbian state institutions: The measures imposed by the Serbian Government as a response to the Covid crisis, as well as the reaction of the competent bodies, are problematic both from a procedural and a substantive perspective. To make things worse, the judiciary has not been a great help either.

Daniel E. Walters

A Risky Gamble

There may never have been an idea whose time has so obviously come than mail-in voting in the COVID-19 era. However, a major risk confronting the nation as it scrambles at the last minute to move from primarily in-person to primarily mail-in is the risk of leaving logistical and legal details open to political manipulation in highly unpredictable fashion.

Verfassungsblog

VB Live: “Schaffen wir das?” – COVID-19 as a Crisis for German Law and Politics

Session I of our discussion series on the COVID-19 crisis from a German, European and International Perspective, jointly organized by IFHV and Verfassungsblog - streamed live here on Verfassungsblog from 4:00 - 5:45 pm. Join now!

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

Is it the Court’s Role to Save a Country from Itself?

On May 6, 2020, the Israeli Supreme Court rejected eight petitions against PM Netanyahu’s rule as PM and against the unity agreement between Netanyahu and his former contender, Benny Gantz (“the Unity Agreement”). The unanimous decision was delivered by an expanded panel of eleven judges, who emphasized that despite the severity of the allegations against Netanyahu, there was no basis, in Israeli law, for disqualifying him.

Analysing national responses to the coronavirus, the University of Oxford study found that Croatia was the most rigorous of all the examined countries considering the actual number of infections. Overall, the Croatian response to Covid-19 might not pose an autocratic threat to the rule of law as in certain European countries. This is far, however, from suggesting there have not been significant constitutional challenges, or that we should not require an enhanced constitutional oversight over apparently quite restrictive governmental action.

Toni Marzal

Is the BVerfG PSPP decision “simply not comprehensible”?

Upon reading the BVerfG’s bombshell PSPP decision, one cannot but be struck at how little it thinks of the quality of the legal reasoning of the CJEU with regards to the proportionality test. If one is to judge others so harshly, it is wise to make sure that one’s own position is irreproachable. The BVerfG failed to do so.

Ecuador – Constitutionalism and Covid-19

When referring to the rule of law and constitutionalism we must be extremely cautious: Ecuador was founded in 1830 after the dissolution of Great Colombia, and in just 190 years has adopted 20 constitutions. The current Ecuadorian Constitution dates from 2008. This means that the nation does not possess a strong constitutional tradition nor a culture of promotion of the rule of law. On the contrary, Ecuador has a long history of institutional breakdowns and coup d'états which were caused by political and economic crisis. However, these were nothing compared with the situation all Ecuadorians are currently facing.

Giuseppe Martinico, Marta Simoncini

Emergency and Risk in Comparative Public Law

As the entire world is struggling with the Covid-19 pandemic, academics have been rediscovering the debate on emergency in public law. Our post explores whether the theory of disaster risk regulation can infuse the public law’s approach to emergency with new conceptual tools that contribute to mitigating the impact of emergencies. In so doing, we would like to recall how comparative public law has approached emergency and we shall then look at the insights coming from the theory of risk.

Appeal to the independent Judges of the Supreme Court

Judges of the Civil Chamber,Judges of the Criminal Chamber, Judges of [...]

Iain Cameron, Anna Jonsson-Cornell

Sweden and COVID 19: A Constitutional Perspective

The Swedish government’s ways of handling the Corona crisis have drawn a lot of international attention. Sweden has tried to limit the spread of the disease by means of recommendations, rather than quarantines and curfews. There is no provision in the Swedish constitution for the declaration of a state of emergency in peacetime, only in war or where there is an imminent danger of war. Instead, the Swedish approach is to have delegations to the government, and sub-delegations to administrative agencies in a variety of statutes.

Corona Constitutional #21: Ultra Vires

Der große Crash ist ausgeblieben, die Eurozone, die EZB und die Finanzmärkte scheinen unbeeindruckt vom jüngsten Grundsatzurteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts in Sachen Anleihenkaufprogramm. Um so größer ist das Entsetzen bei denen, die sich um die Europäische Union als Rechtsgemeinschaft sorgen. Karlsruhe hat dem Europäischen Gerichtshof in Luxemburg zum ersten Mal offen den Gehorsam aufgekündigt, hat dem EuGH bescheinigt, den Kompetenzrahmen der EU gesprengt und ein offensichtlich falsches, nicht nachvollziehbares Urteil gefällt zu haben, und das in Zeiten, wo die Herrschaft des Rechts in der EU ohnehin schon aufs äußerste prekär geworden ist. Was hat das deutsche Bundesverfassungsgericht, das bislang angesehenste und einflussreichste Verfassungsgericht Europas, wenn nicht gar der Welt, da angerichtet? Darüber spricht Max Steinbeis mit unserem Associate Editor, dem Europarechtler ALEXANDER THIELE von der Universität Göttingen.

Marcin Matczak

Plague President

Between the 16th and 19th centuries, city councils appointed plague doctors to assist those suffering from the Black Death. Now, in the 21st century, we are about to appoint a plague president in Poland. The governing Law and Justice (PiS) party is refusing to postpone the presidential election, scheduled for May 10, even though the COVID-19 pandemic is rampant. This is both detrimental to public health and unconstitutional.

Alexander Thiele

VB vom Blatt: Das BVerfG und die Büchse der ultra-vires-Pandora

Das ist das eigentlich Tragische des Urteils: Im Bereich der Geldpolitik wird es vermutlich schnell verpuffen, für andere Bereiche und andere Mitgliedstaaten hat es aber die Büchse der ultra-vires-Pandora (ohne Not) geöffnet. Sie wieder zu schließen, dürfte praktisch unmöglich sein…

Niall Coghlan

Dissecting Covid-19 Derogations

Does the pandemic require derogation from human rights treaties? This [...]

04 Mai 2020

Anika Klafki, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #20: Die Impfpass-Elite?

Der eine hat die Antikörper. Die andere hat sie nicht. Der eine hat im Impfpass stehen, dass er immun ist. Die andere kann sich nicht ausweisen. Der eine darf alles. Die andere darf nichts. Soll das unsere Wirklichkeit sein in der nächsten Phase der Coronakrise? Gesundheitsminister Spahn will einen Immunitätsausweis im Infektionsschutzgesetz verankern. Spaltet das die Gesellschaft in Privilegierte und Freiheitsbeschränkte? Aber wenn jemand immun und damit weder gefährlich noch gefährdet ist – mit welchem Recht kann man dann von ihm noch verlangen, seine Freiheit zu beschränken? In der heutigen Folge von Corona Constitutional spricht Max Steinbeis über diese Fragen mit der Gesundheitsrechtsspezialistin ANIKA KLAFKI von der Universität Jena.

Vincent A. De Gaetano

Covid-19 – the Maltese Response: Slow at First but Steady and Effective

Notwithstanding some initial hesitation, the way in which the Maltese health authorities have so far handled the emergency has been well received by the general public. Measures were introduced gradually, with daily press conferences explaining the reason for each new measure or variation thereof, whilst providing statistics on the number of daily swabs, patients infected, patients recovered, and fatalities.

Kristian Cedervall Lauta

Legal scholarship needs to be more open to the political reality in order to effectively tackle the rule of law crisis. To go one step further, I argue that without considering the economic interests of all the relevant individual and institutional actors (corporations and governments) we will never fully understand the failures of the EU responses to the rule of law backsliding.

Aleksejs Dimitrovs

COVID-19 in Latvia: Precaution Above All

The Government of Latvia adopted the decision on emergency situation due to COVID-19 on 12 March to apply until 14 April. For the time being, this period has been extended once to 12 May. This post considers the applicable legal framework, concrete limitations adopted by the Saeima (Parliament) and the Government are described, followed by an assessment from the point of view of European Union values.

01 Mai 2020

Roberto Gargarella

The Fight Against COVID-19 in Argentina: Executive vs Legislative Branch

Argentina’s government has been adopting numerous and significant decisions in the face of the coronavirus (COVID-19) crisis. But: Almost all the relevant decisions adopted by the Executive Branch were decisions that belonged to the Legislative Branch: Congress is the only authority legally authorized to adopt them. In other words, the Executive Power is not authorized to do what it has been doing so far.

Giuliano Vosa

With Tragedy Comes Farce

The Italian Prime Minister has recently adopted the the so-called ‘Step 2’ measures. They aim to prudently alleviate the severe limitations on personal liberty imposed so far, but result in obvious uncertainty as for what exactly is forbidden – which adds to their slender ties with parliamentary legislation in exposing the legitimacy deficit of the overall crisis discipline. Particularly, the notion of ‘congiunto’ as a person that one can go visit is likely to cause tragicomic, yet remarkable, turmoil.

30 April 2020

Martin Mycielski, Maximilian Steinbeis

The Constitutional Court of Chile faces the worst crisis in its history. It largely stems from the way the Court has exercised its powers in recent years. A blend of judicial activism and an utter disdain for rules has seriously undermined the Court’s reputation and the current shows that the Court has probably risen in prominence for the wrong reasons.

Karan Gupta

Cracks in India’s Constitutional Framework

India's constitutional system was conceptualized to share power (although not equally) between the Union and the 29 states alongside an institutionally grounded system of checks and balances between the parliament, the executive and the judiciary. As the world’s largest democracy proceeds into the sixth week of the nation-wide lockdown to address the outbreak of Covid-19, certain cracks in its constitutional framework have been exacerbated that have the potential to structurally alter the constitutional framework of checks and balances in the aftermath of the pandemic.

Challenges Beyond Public Health – Guatemala and the Covid-19 Crisis

Due to its violent past of a 36 year-long internal armed conflict and the scourge of corruption, the COVID-19 pandemic presents to Guatemala great challenges that goes beyond ensuring healthcare to its population. The excessive use of imprisonment in the enforcement of sanitary measures, the protection of detained persons, ensuring the effective implementation of financial assistance programs, achieving accountability of public servants during the crisis, and the reactivation of the judiciary are some of the issues that demands a proper answer from the Guatemalan state. This post analyzes the “emergency state” implemented in Guatemala and presents some of the measures and effects related to the current crisis.

Konrad Lachmayer

Austria: Rule of Law Lacking in Times of Crisis

As the number of infected persons is declining and the overall situation gradually improving, it becomes clear that the measures have proved to be effective from a public health perspective. However, in light of the general retreat of the virus the upholding of many measures also becomes contestable now regarding their proportionality. With the improvement of the public health issues, the challenge for the rule of law has begun. Will the government be able to restrain itself and find a way back to constitutional normality?

27 April 2020

Christophe Hillion, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #16: Scheidung auf Europäisch

Wenn Polen und Ungarn sich erkennbar nicht mehr an das EU-Recht gebunden fühlen - was ist das dann anderes als eine Erklärung, nicht mehr Mitglied in der Europäischen Union sein zu wollen? Der Weg zum Polexit bzw. Hungrexit geht über Artikel 50 des EU-Vertrags, und CHRISTOPHE HILLION schlägt dem Rat vor, diesen Weg notfalls auch ohne das Einverständnis von Polen und Ungarn zu beschreiten. Ob und wie das europarechtlich genau funktionieren würde, bespricht Max Steinbeis mit dem Professor für EU-Recht in unserer heutigen Podcast-Folge.

Christophe Hillion

All legal measures limiting human rights in response to COVID-19 adopted by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine are made pursuant with respective clauses of two specific legal acts: the Code of Civil Protection of Ukraine (art. 16) and Law “On the protection of the population from infectious diseases” (art. 3). The said legislation empowers the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine as a key body in the protection of the population against infectious diseases with a broad margin of appreciation. However, more importantly, is that the Ukrainian Constitution envisages a restriction on certain rights and freedoms if these restrictions are prescribed by law in the interests of protecting the health of the population. Ukrainian think tanks and NGOs express deep concern on unconstitutionality of limitations of human rights caused by the Government’s measures to fight COVID-19.

26 April 2020

, Samo Bardutzky

Business as Usual, but to the Unusual Extremes: Slovenia and Covid-19

Since the Slovenian declaration of an epidemic on 12 March 2020, a number of measures have been proposed, adopted and rejected in order to stop the spreading of the disease. Importantly, a state of emergency has not been declared. Nevertheless, in the past 6 weeks, interpretations and amendments of the existing statutory framework have also caused concerns from the constitutional point of view.

Quarantine, State of Emergency, State of Enforcement, and the Pandemic in Peru

The COVID-19 pandemic and the restrictive measures adopted across Latin America have increased insecurity, suffering and hunger for millions across the region. Although restrictions on free transit, freedom of work, and freedom of assembly, among others, are legitimate – given that social distancing is the only weapon against this virus – we must be aware that millions of people in Latin America survive due to their work in the informal sector. It is unacceptable that for many, the only options during this pandemic are to be killed by hunger or by COVID-19. For this reason, following this emergency, the region must resume a debate about the relevance of a new social or welfare state, without corruption, that can provide basic public services including healthcare.

25 April 2020

Carlos Closa Montero

The Green Pact and Rule of Law in the EU

The governments of 13 EU member states have signed a letter calling for a "green" way out of the COVID-19 crisis (although the Czech government has asked the EU to "forget" about its Green Pact). Interesting as this initiative may be, the EU must ensure that it does not become an instrument that undermines the fight for the rule of law in the EU. The history advises us to be vigilant because EU funds may become a useful instrument in hands of illiberal governments.

Flavia Piovesan, Mariela Morales Antoniazzi

COVID-19 and the Need for a Holistic and Integral Approach to Human Rights Protection

While the pandemic is global, the challenges the individual regions are currently facing in their combat against COVID-19 are different and specific. In Latin America, the combat is embedded in a context of deep social and economic inequality, systematic violence and poverty. As the crisis is likely to exacerbate these structural inequalities it is clear that its implications must be examined in the light of human rights and in the light of intersectionality.

Cassandra Emmons

International Human Rights Law and COVID-19 States of Emergency

As has been highlighted by other contributors to this Symposium, emergency decrees have already been used to achieve political ambitions beyond addressing COVID-19 in places like Hungary or Bulgaria. While states bear the responsibility of protecting their nations, modern day international human rights law is designed precisely to protect people from governments that abuse their powers. What limits does international human rights law impose on governments during emergencies? Can they be enforced? And how does COVID-19 fit in these conceptualizations?

24 April 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

We can do it

On Angela Merkel, her crisis management, the tyranny of goals and the difference between both.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Wir schaffen das

Über Angela Merkel, ihr Krisenmanagement, die "Tyrannei des Ziels" und den Unterschied zwischen beidem.

Gustavo Prieto

The measures introduced to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Poland are among some of the most extensive and far-reaching, affecting many spheres of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Few of these measures amount to recommendations and suggestions of specific behaviour, most of them are hard, legally enforceable orders and prohibitions and flouting them incurs the risk of severe financial punishment. Yet the legal framework for these measures causes a significant degree of controversy. This report aims to present a birds eye’s view on the measures in Poland and to highlight some issues legal scholars and experts have taken with both the substantive side of the measures and the means they were introduced.

23 April 2020

Franz C. Mayer, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #15: Polen, die EU und das letzte Wort

Unser heutiges Thema hat mit Corona unmittelbar gar nicht so viel zu tun, mit Krise dafür um so mehr: Es geht um Polen, um das polnische Verfassungsgericht, das in dieser Woche ein Urteil gefällt hat, das, sagen wir mal, erklärungsbedürftig ist. Dieses Urteil, um das Ergebnis vorweg zu nehmen, springt nicht nur mit dem polnischen Verfassungsrecht, sondern auch und vor allem mit dem Europarecht auf beispiellos brachiale Weise um. Darüber spricht Max Steinbeis mit einem Europarechtler, der sich sowohl mit dem Verhältnis von nationaler Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit zum EU-Recht als auch mit dem speziellen Fall Polen viel beschäftigt hat und obendrein ein langjähriger Freund und Autor des Verfassungsblogs ist, nämlich FRANZ MAYER von der Uni Bielefeld.

Eirini Fasia

Effective but Constitutionally Dubious

Although the pandemic is far from over, Greece has been praised so far for its fast and firm response to the crisis. The country’s efforts to contain the dissemination of the virus seem to have achieved а flattening of the curve, i.e. the slowing of the spread so that fewer people need to seek treatment at any given time. Greece owes much of its – to date – accomplishment to a number of dubious applications of the rules laid down in the Constitution.

A “Marshall Plan” for Rule of Law in Europe

In the past weeks, the European judges have been confronted in multiple ways by the Covid19 crisis. The challenges for judiciary were exceptional: the willingness to serve our fellow citizens, providing solidarity and support, in times of plague; the duty to supervise, as broadly as permitted by political authorities, the lawfulness of emergency measures; the emergent call to deal with the negative consequences of judicial lockdowns for the efficiency of courts and, moreover, the anxiety arising from the need to look after one’s own health and that of others, in particular witnesses, litigants or other citizens present in court.

Corona Constitutional #13: In Hongkong wird es dunkel

Erinnern Sie sich? In grauer Vorzeit, vor der Krise, im Jahr 2019 gab es eine riesige Protestbewegung in Hongkong. Hunderttausende gingen auf die Straße, um ihre Freiheitsrechte und die Unabhängigkeit ihrer Verfassungsinstitutionen gegen den Zugriff der Zentralregierung in Peking zu verteidigen. Die nutzt jetzt die Coronakrise, um mit ihren Gegnern abzurechnen. Übers Wochenende wurden viele prominente Regimekritiker in Hongkong verhaftet, die Protestbewegung klemmt im Lockdown fest, die Weltöffentlichkeit hat etwas anderes zu tun, als sich über Hongkong aufzuregen. Können wir uns das leisten, in Zeiten, wo ohnehin schon autoritäre Regimes ihr Krisenmanagement als Vorbild anpreisen, das den liberalen Demokratien angeblich überlegen ist? Darüber spricht Max Steinbeis mit der Verfassungsrechtsprofessorin CORA CHAN von der Hong Kong University, die direkt vor Ort von ihrer Einschätzung der Lage berichtet.

Abdurrachman Satrio

State of Emergency Through the Back Door

One of the problems for Indonesia’s government when dealing with the coronavirus crisis was its non-transparent approach towards the public. Not least because of that, many people in Indonesia do not trust the government when it comes to handling the pandemic. The government’s attempt to declare the civilian emergency status which would have enabled it to control the flow of information has failed due to public opposition. A move by its police chief, however, is now trying to introduce emergency powers through the back door and in blatant disregard of a Constitutional Court ruling.

Aleksandra Kustra-Rogatka

The Constitution as a Bargaining Chip

Despite the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, Poland’s government is refusing to announce an emergency state, presumably in order to go ahead with the Presidential election on 10 May. Instead, the ruling coalition in Poland has been presenting increasingly controversial proposals aimed at ensuring that the country’s PiS-aligned President will remain in office. The most recent one envisages a constitutional amendment which would extend the president’s term of office. This proposal is nothing but an attempt to blackmail the opposition: either vote for a constitutional change or be blamed for the consequences of holding a presidential election during the pandemic.

Michael Henry Yusingco

The Philippines’ Dalliance with Authoritarianism in Times of National Emergency

The Philippines is remarkably familiar with national emergencies, having faced just in the past three decades alone two global financial catastrophes, a number of coup attempts, a couple of destructive volcanic eruptions, a slew of ravaging typhoons, deadly terrorist attacks, and a devastating earthquake. Notably, the national response at these moments of crisis is to give the President “emergency powers”. Of course, this also comes with the admonition that citizens must fall in line and obey the commands of the government, which usually means temporarily “adjusting” adherence to human rights and respect for civil liberties.

Sarah Ganty

Belgium and COVID-19: When a Health Crisis Replaces a Political Crisis

The COVID-19 health crisis is happening in the context of a political crisis in Belgium. As the virus was spreading in the EU in early March, political parties were still negotiating the formation of a federal government. The need to provide a unified and strong answer to the situation added another layer to the political crisis and seems to have put the main political disagreements on the backburner. Even though, many institutional and constitutional challenges have been solved without considerably affecting basic democratic principles. This is not true when it comes to fundamental rights, especially fundamental rights of vulnerable groups such as migrants and prisoners, female victims of violence etc.

20 April 2020

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #12: Netanyahu widerstehen

Die Bilder aus Tel Aviv vom letzten Sonntag haben viele beeindruckt: Eine Massendemonstration mitten in der Coronakrise, Tausende von Menschen, die ihren Protest gegen die Regierung Netanyahu mit ihrer physischen Präsenz unterlegen und dabei – das ist das besondere, – social distancing wahren. In Israel ist vieles besonders in diesen Tagen, die Pandemie trifft auf eine politische und eine Verfassungskrise, dem Regierungschef droht die Anklage und um ihr zu entgehen, nimmt er immer größere Schäden an der Verfassung in Kauf. Wie sich Demokratie und Rechtsstaat schlagen in diesem Konflikt, darüber spricht Max Steinbeis mit TAMAR HOSTOVSKY BRANDES.

William E. Scheuerman

Corona Constitutional #10: Risikogebiet Zuhause

Den ganzen Tag lang zusammen eingepfercht auf engem Raum, geschlossene Schulen, Stress und finanzielle Sorgen… Viele Expert*innen befürchten, dass mit der Corona-Krise weltweit häusliche Gewalt zunimmt und insbesondere Frauen akut in Gefahr schweben. Während das malaysische Frauenministerium Frauen in der Ausgangssperre nahelegte, sich zu schminken, um gewalttätige Partner zu besänftigen, richtete Frankreich Notrufstellen in den Apotheken ein. Was der deutsche Staat tut und tun sollte, um Betroffene vor häuslicher Gewalt zu schützen, besprach Marie Detjen mit der Anwältin und Autorin CHRISTINA CLEMM.

Alexander Somek

Is the Constitution Law for the Court Only?

According to Chancellor Kurz, this is not the time for juridical sophistry (juristische Spitzfindigkeiten). At the end of the day, it would be left to the Constitutional Court to decide on the legality of the COVID-19 measures which, when it will hand down a decision, will have been already revoked. These remarks betray a certain outlook on the authority of constitutional law. Putting the matter starkly, it suggests that the constitution is law for the Constitutional Court only.

Raluca Bejan

COVID-19 and Disposable Migrant Workers

Picture this: The world is battling a pandemic, with many countries in lockdown and borders closed. You arrive at a regional airport in northern Romania and wait for hours in the parking lot to board a charter flight. You might end up in Baden-Baden, Berlin or Düsseldorf—it’s hard to know, since no one is telling you what the final destination is. Physical distancing seems not to apply. You are jammed together with 2000 other people waiting to be placed as seasonal workers in the fields of Germany. Asparagus needs to be picked and the new crop need to be planted so the Germans can enjoy uninterrupted production of the spring vegetable through 2020 and 2021.

Martin Scheinin

The COVID-19 Emergency in Finland: Best Practice and Problems

Finland has a modern Constitution with an ambitious catalogue of fundamental rights. Has this framework, including the constitutional regulation of emergency powers, been able to cope with the COVID-19 crisis? Are there lessons to learn from Finland?

Eugenio Velasco

Mexico: Emergency Powers and COVID-19

As of April 5th, the Federal Health Ministry reported 2,143 confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Mexico. International experience suggests that the country is at the cusp of confronting the full effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. This post provides a description of the constitutional and statutory regulation of emergency powers and a brief commentary on the government’s actions thus far. It starts by offering an account of the constitutional provision of emergency powers, noting from the outset a disinclination to the prospect or desirability of their application. Then, it describes the emergency powers to confront a health crisis contained in statutory form. Finally, it evaluates the government’s response to the pandemic.

15 April 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #9: Bildschirm-Justiz

Wie wirkt sich der Lockdown auf die Justiz aus? Wie muss man sich eine Justiz im Lockdown überhaupt vorstellen? Ist das ein Problem, wenn die Exekutive plötzlich die Judikative herunterfährt? Sind digitalisierte Gerichtsverhandlungen möglich, und könnte die Krise insoweit sogar eine Chance sein? Darüber spricht Max Steinbeis mit dem Sprecher des Bundesvorstands der Neuen Richtervereinigung CARSTEN LÖBBERT.

Christopher Kuner

Data crossing borders

The cross-border sharing of personal data to combat coronavirus raises questions under the EU General Data Protection Regulation 2016/679 (the GDPR) - two of which will be dealt with here. The first question is whether EU data protection law is flexible enough to allow the international sharing of personal data to fight the pandemic. Secondly, data protection law has traditionally been shaped by pivotal events in history (think of the effect that the reaction to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 had on data protection law), and one can ask what implications the crisis will have on the future development of data transfer regulation.

Luca Prete

Infringement Procedures in the Time of COVID-19

In the last weeks, members of the European Parliament and observers in the legal and academic community have, explicitly or implicitly, criticised the European Commission and the Court of Justice for their handling of ongoing infringement procedures. Put simply, the two institutions have been criticised for moving the existing cases forward, despite the fact that certain countries (first Italy, then followed by almost all other Member States) are in lockdown and, consequently, their administrations are unable to effectively respond.

Pedro Lomba

The Constitutionalized State of Emergency

The late Giovanni Sartori once said that we lacked a general theory of dictatorship. It is very likely that we are also short of a theory of emergency. As the current pandemic has come to show us, not only we still have difficulties to include emergency into our conception of constitutional law; we seem to differ on what emergency means and necessitates and on what should be its place in the functioning of the democratic State.

Irene Domenici, Tim Rohmann

How to protect the Vulnerable?

In the Corona crisis, balancing between containment measures and the protection of fundamental rights becomes even more pressing with respect to vulnerable groups, especially in view of proposals aiming at restricting curfews to high-risk populations. Over-emphasizing their need for protection bears the risk of disregarding their rights and autonomy and one-sidedly imposing paternalistic measures in order to urge a solution and alleviate economic consequences.

Fighting COVID-19 – Legal Powers, Risks and the Rule of Law: Turkey

In order to ensure a quick and flexible response in fighting against COVID- 19, Turkish presidency and administration preferred to introduce the measures against the pandemic in the form of circulars instead of declaring a state of emergency. This choice is being criticised for opening the way for arbitrariness and undermining the principle of legality.

Iain Payne

Emergency Powers in Nepal: An Ordinary Response?

Compared to many other countries, the known impact of COVID-19 on public health in Nepal has thus far been small. At the time of writing (4 April), only nine COVID-19 infections have been identified. However, as in many low-income developing countries, Nepal is particularly vulnerable to the spread of the virus. The country’s healthcare system is weak and, even at the best of times, hospitals suffer from chronic shortages of oxygen cylinders and ventilators—essential tools to fight the disease. Test kits are limited and the capacity to test samples in large quantities quickly is severely lacking. Moreover, while the existence of the virus within the community is known, the extent of its spread remains hidden The mass migration of workers back to their villages in pre-emption of the looming nation-wide lockdown potentially carried the virus throughout the entire country.

14 April 2020

Mathias Hong, Maximilian Steinbeis

When news began to circulate about a novel virus in December 2019, Hong Kong was in the midst of protests that had been going on for months. There were (and continue to be) widespread demands for accountability and democracy, accompanied by a significant degree of public distrust and dissatisfaction towards the Government. Pertinently, the Government had just invoked hugely controversial emergency powers to quell the protests. Hong Kong was also one of the hardest-hit regions during the SARS epidemic 17 years ago, and there was a collective determination not to repeat the tragedy.

13 April 2020

Hans Petter Graver

Fighting the Virus and the Rule of Law – A Country Report on Norway

Governments across Europe are quick to limit personal freedoms in the name of fighting the pandemic. The case of Norway, however, reveals how the process of adopting these measures can compromise democratic discourse and procedure. The main rule of law challenges we have seen here are an overreach of the authorities of their legal powers, a lack of transparency and exclusion of the public from public decision-making and battle over jurisdiction to regulate between the central government and local authorities. In the end, it is not just our health, but the rule of law that is under threat.

Gautam Bhatia

An Executive Emergency: India’s Response to Covid-19

India’s response to Covid-19 has been large in scale, and far-reaching. The country is, at present, under a twenty-one day national “lockdown”, with a near-complete restriction upon the movement of people, the closure of all establishments except those providing “essential services”, and the regular “sealing” of neighbourhoods and areas that are suspected to be Covid-19 hotspots. To understand the legal framework underpinning all of this, it is important to first note that India is a federal republic, with a parliamentary democracy that operates under the framework of a written Constitution, and whose Courts formally exercise powers of judicial review over legislative and executive action. The response to Covid-19, therefore, involves multiple levels of government, and multiple institutional actors.

12 April 2020

Bart Caiepo, Federico Benetti

How Political Turmoil is Changing European Constitutional Law: Evidence from the Verfassungsblog

The shockwaves that have rippled through the European political order have exposed the artificial character of the law vs politics distinction, forcing constitutional law scholars to adapt. Contributions to the Verfassungsblog provide evidence for this evolution.

Teresa Violante, Rui T. Lanceiro

Coping with Covid-19 in Portugal: From Constitutional Normality to the State of Emergency

As we write this report, it is unclear how the Covid-19 outbreak will unfold in Portugal. The country reacted quickly to adopt measures aimed at reducing social contact, including the closure of schools and a general ban on non-essential movement. Whether that will prove efficient to avoid the collapse of the national health system and prevent thousands of deaths, only time will tell. In this contribution, we describe and reflect on the action taken by public powers to address the Covid-19 pandemic, considering the situation as of April 9.

Abdurrachman Satrio

Indonesia’s Fight against COVID-19: A Battle Over the Meaning of Emergency?

Indonesia is a perfect example of how poorly a country can handle the spread of coronavirus (COVID-19). In February, when Indonesia’s neighbouring countries such as Singapore were occupied with the restriction of the entry of foreigners into their territory after the announcement of the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan, Indonesia’s government under the Presidency of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) introduced the opposite policy which made it easier for foreign tourists (including those from the mainland China) to travel to Indonesia. The purpose of this particular policy according to Jokowi’s government was to exploit the economic gaps which would arise from foreigners’ fears of travelling to Indonesia’s neighbours including Singapore and Thailand.

Many argue that derogations, permitted under many human rights instruments, provide a useful framework for assessing whether any human rights infringements that arise from emergency provisions adopted in response to Covid-19 are justified. Drawing on jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) in relation to Northern Ireland, this post argues that it is likely that the vast majority of cases exploring derogation will be found in a government’s failure.

09 April 2020

Kim Lane Scheppele, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #7: Der Virus und Trump

Kaum ein Land ist zurzeit so hart getroffen von der Corona-Pandemie wie die USA. Ist es Unfähigkeit , dass Trump und die US-Republikaner ihre Möglichkeiten zum Krisenmanagement weitgehend ungenutzt lassen? Oder ist es Strategie? Die Rechtssoziologin und Verfassungsrechtlerin KIM LANE SCHEPPELE kennt sich mit dem autoritären Populismus aus wie kaum sonst jemand, und ihre – ziemlich düstere – Antwort auf diese Frage verrät sie Max Steinbeis in der heutigen Folge unseres Krisenpodcasts.

Laurent Pech

Protecting Polish Judges from the Ruling Party’s “Star Chamber”

For the third time, the ECJ has intervened in the subjugation of the judiciary in member states. Its injunction against Poland's "disciplinary chamber" is an important step. But unless Ursula von der Leyen's Commission starts facing up reality, winning legal battles will not prevent losing another member state, after Hungary, to autocracy.

Marta Simoncini

The Need for Clear Competences in Times of Crisis

All Italian institutions established at different levels of government have been at the forefront in the health emergency to fight the spread of the coronavirus disease (see Diletta Tega and Michele Massa). Yet, they had to take action in the absence of a consistent legal framework establishing a clear division of competences and chain of command in the management of the emergency. The resulting legal uncertainties have been delaying the timely adoption and effective implementation of the containment measures which led to the national lockdown.

From One State of Emergency to Another – Emergency Powers in France

2 years and less than 5 months after the end of the two-year state of emergency triggered on the wake of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, a brand new “state of health emergency” was activated in France on the 23rd March to cope with a new attack led, this time, by a small and invisible enemy, Covid-19. The so-called “state of health emergency” currently constitutes the legal framework and basis of the measures in force to cope with the epidemic, including nationwide lockdown. What is this new regime? Is it a threat to individual freedoms? What are its limits and guarantees? Was it legally necessary?

Kim Lane Scheppele

Underreaction in a Time of Emergency: America as a Nearly Failed State

Not surprisingly, those of us who write about emergencies have been far more concerned about overreaction than underreaction and we have been far more concerned about politically caused emergencies rather than natural disasters. History is littered with the cautionary tales of overreaction to politically caused emergencies. But the dangers of state failure evident in underreaction are underestimated.

08 April 2020

Gavin Phillipson, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #6: Der englische Patient

Boris Johnson liegt mit Corona in der Intensivstation. Was passiert, wenn der Premierminister stirbt oder sein Amt nicht mehr ausüben kann? Wie regelt man das ohne geschriebene Verfassung? GAVIN PHILLIPSON ist einer der besten Kenner des britischen Verfassungsrechts. Im Interview mit Max Steinbeis gibt er Auskunft über die Rechte und Möglichkeiten des Parlaments, über die ungeheure Machtfülle der Regierung und über die Zukunft der Grund- und Menschenrechte im Vereinigten Königreich.

Anna Beckers

With one of the highest death rate by population worldwide, Italy has undertaken a series of necessary but very intrusive measures resulting in strong limitations of fundamental rights and liberties. The Rule of Law (ROL) is considered to be “the basis of all genuine democracy” (Statute of the Council of Europe); and in times of emergency, respect for the ROL and adherence to its principles should still prevail. So, what safeguards have been put in place to ensure that the Italian legislative response to COVID-19 provides effective protection of public safety and complies with core Constitutional principles, international law obligations and the ROL?

07 April 2020

Anna von Notz, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #5: Schrumpfparlamente

Muss in Zeiten der Pandemie der Deutsche Bundestag auf ein Notparlament zusammenschrumpfen können? Bundestagspräsident Schäuble fordert das. Dabei gibt es bessere und weniger demokratieschädlichere Möglichkeiten, etwa die der Zuschaltmöglichkeit für Abgeordnete in Quarantäne zur Plenardebatte, die das Problem genauso lösen. Darüber diskutiert Max Steinbeis mit ANNA VON NOTZ in der heutigen Folge unseres Krisen-Podcasts.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

Humiliating the Court?

The Member States, dismissing an Advocate General before the expiration of her term of office on the Court, have demonstrated that they are ready to humiliate the Court of Justice by allowing post-Brexit frustrations take the place of the Primary Law of the EU. The Rule of Law stands replaced with political whim. As AG Sharpston’s tenure is left in suspense, what is the worth of the core aspects of EU Rule of Law and judicial independence, when the Member States are willing to alter the composition of the Court by a political declaration?

Dean R Knight

Lockdown Bubbles through Layers of Law, Discretion and Nudges – New Zealand

New Zealand’s governmental response to Covid-19 has been, so far, dramatic and legally curious. As a South Pacific island nation, Covid-19 was late to infiltrate New Zealand, allowing the government time to shape its response in the light of experiences elsewhere. At the first sign of community transmission, the government moved to lockdown the country – shutting the border, keeping people in their household ‘bubbles’ and closing businesses other than those deemed essential. To effect the lockdown, the government relied on some ordinary legal powers and a handful of reserve emergency powers, supplemented by strong messaging from a charismatic prime minister. While providing a stopgap solution for the sudden move, the current legal framework is bit soft and fragile in places. It seems likely the government will move to sharpen and fortify the legal basis for the lockdown and put in place a more bespoke and enduring solution.

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

Israel’s Perfect Storm: Fighting Coronavirus in the Midst of a Constitutional Crisis

A notable characteristic of the Israeli management of the crisis is the growing reliance on the military and on national security agencies, with respect to both types of measures. The sections below will examine the measures taken, the concerns these measures raise, and the steps taken to address such concerns.

06 April 2020

Matthias Goldmann, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #4: Dies ist nicht die Eurokrise

Warum das Stichwort Corona Bonds so viele falsche Assoziationen weckt, und wie sie beschaffen sein müssten, damit auch Deutschland damit gut klarkommt: Max Steinbeis spricht mit MATTHIAS GOLDMANN über seinen Vorschlag und die damit verknüpften Chancen und Risiken.

Pui-yin Lo

Hong Kong’s Basic Law at 30: A Constitutional Experiment under Stress

On April 4, 2020, the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China (HK Basic Law) turned 30. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has been and continues to be confronted with many challenges, including those concerned with the implementation of the HK Basic Law. Ultimately, it will depend on the Chinese Central Authorities and the Hong Kong institutions if the HK Basic Law is to remain the centrepiece in the governance of Hong Kong.

Anna Katharina Mangold

How Corona Aggravates the Crises of the European Union and Threatens its Existence

The corona virus is acting as a catalyst for the EU's various crises smouldering and burning for years, intertwining with them. The current corona pandemic is not only endangering people in the EU in life and limb but also the European Union as a supranational community. With unprecedented urgency, it raises the question of its legitimacy, of its raison d'être. We need now an awareness of the political and social dimension of European integration – it must result in solidarity-based action by the EU and the Member States.

David Dyzenhaus

Canada the Good?

Canada is in almost full emergency mode in its bid to flatten the pandemic curve. But so far the federal government has not declared a federal state of emergency in terms of the Emergencies Act (1985), although it has discussed publicly the pros and cons of taking this step and has been urged to do so on the basis that such a declaration would enable a nationwide testing program. There are four main reasons for this hesitation to declare a national state of emergency.

The conflict opposing the Northern (and Eastern) to the Southern Member States has reemerged with special animosity in the last weeks. European governments have developed deep disagreements over how to distribute the costs not only of fighting the coronavirus epidemics, but also of the socio-economic reconstruction that would be required once the public health emergence has been overcome, and which will require mobilising resources on a scale unknown since the Second World War.

David Dyzenhaus

Schmitten in the USA

We will at some point surface from the current public health crisis. How and when and what the new normal will look like, no one knows. But we do know that autocrats around the world are using the epidemic as a pretext to gather even more power unto themselves. In this light, the fact that a Harvard Law Professor has published an article at this time with this kind of viral load in the pages of a respectable journal is perhaps more scary than the virus itself.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Im Lager Moria war die Situation schon bisher katastrophal. Das Corona-Virus kann daraus jeden Moment einen Infektions-Hotspot der allerschlimmsten Sorte machen. Wer dagegen was unternehmen könnte bzw. müsste und woran die Verteilung der Geflüchteten scheitert – darüber spricht Max Steinbeis mit der Migrationsrechtlerin PAULINE ENDRES DE OLIVEIRA.

Anuscheh Farahat

Against the Apocalyptic Swan Song

Gloomy future scenarios are currently popular. Hardly a day goes by without predictions of the demise of the EU, a spiral of nationalism or the path to an authoritarian, xenophobic surveillance state. However, in the current competition to outbid disaster scenarios, we tend to forget that political developments are just as little inevitable and without alternatives as crisis response measures. The choice between alternatives still exists and is more important today than ever.

01 April 2020

Anuscheh Farahat

Wider die apokalyptische Sehnsucht

Nicht nur die aktuell getroffenen Maßnahmen zur Eindämmung der akuten gesundheitlichen Krise beruhen auf politischen Entscheidungen zwischen Alternativen, sondern auch die Gestaltung unserer Zukunft nach Corona. Welchen Schaden unsere politischen Systeme nach der akuten Corona-Krise nehmen werden, hängt maßgeblich von drei Faktoren ab: der aktiven Auseinandersetzung mit den sozialen Folgen der Krise; den Konsequenzen, die wir für die Organisation transnationaler Solidarität ziehen und der Resilienz unserer Verfassungen in der Krise.

Nikolaus Marsch, Maximilian Steinbeis

Corona Constitutional #1: Lieber getrackt als eingesperrt?

Technologie-Fixes gegen Corona? Was gibt es, was hilft, und was wird aus dem Datenschutz? Max Steinbeis spricht mit NIKOLAUS MARSCH über Tracking-Apps, Grundrechte und warum wir freiwillig tun sollten, wozu wir sonst gezwungen werden müssten.

Catherine Haguenau-Moizard

Governing Through Fear in France

The present pandemic affects our ways of life and acts as a magnifying glass: It helps us to see the main features of our political and legal systems better. In France, the Act of Parliament from March, 23 reveals a well-known feature of the French fifth Republic: Parliament is not considered as a major political institution. Furthermore, it reveals yet again that the state of emergency has become common since 2015.

Emre Turkut, Ali Yildiz

Before it Spreads “Like Wildfire”: Prisoners’ Rights in the Time of COVID-19

There are more than 10.7 million people imprisoned throughout the world. Prisons are notorious incubators and amplifiers of infections, and the fear among inmates due to COVID-19 is deepening all across the world (France, UK, US and Australia among many others). During the current pandemic, protecting prisons from the ‘tidal wave of COVID-19’ proves to be a challenging issue for States. After all, they have obligations and duties under international law to safeguard the human rights of prisoners, particularly their right to life, health and human treatment.

South Africa has the highest recorded cases of COVID-19 infections in Africa. The Government has acted swiftly after COVID 19 was declared a global pandemic. This blog will discuss the measures that have been put in place by the government, in safeguarding businesses and protecting the rights of workers who are vulnerable to the socio-economic effects of the COVID-19. This will be divided into two sub-topics, namely measures taken during the declaration of national disaster and action initiated during the lockdown.

29 März 2020

Kim Lane Scheppele

Orban’s Emergency

Orbán’s emergency gives him everything he ever dreamed of: The absolute freedom to do what he wants. Of course, reality does have a way of undermining dreams, and Orbán may find that his are no different. The law hands to Orbán the fully-fledged dictatorial powers he would need in order to cling to office when the full weight of the pandemic hits.

, Clemens Arzt, Hartmut Aden

Ausweispflicht per Corona-Verordnung?

In Berlin und Sachsen-Anhalt regeln Corona-Verordnungen, dass man immer einen Personalausweis mit sich führen muss. Ist das rechtmäßig? Daran kann man mit guten Gründen zweifeln.

Katarzyna Nowicka

Preparing for the Pandemic Elections

There is no doubt that the essential state institutions should function as effectively as possible in the times of pandemic. It also means finding concrete and fast solutions provided in special statutes, aiming at alleviating social and economic consequences of the coronavirus outbreak. However, even when proceeding the bill known as Anti-crisis Shield (“Tarcza antykryzysowa”) that provides a financial aid for healthcare system, companies and different kinds of workers in Poland, the governing PiS party managed to introduce unconstitutional amendments to the bill.

In Frankreich stellt die aktuelle Krise Regierung und Verwaltung wie in vielen anderen Ländern vor eine Vielzahl an juristischen Herausforderungen. Die langen Reden des Präsidenten Emmanuel Macron an die Nation legen hiervon Zeugnis ab. Für einen deutschen Beobachter mussten die vielfachen Referenzen an einen „Krieg“ irritierend wirken. Dennoch sind die Maßnahmen in Frankreich als das zu beurteilen, was sie sind: Antworten auf Gefahren, die sich mit den bestehenden Instrumenten des Rechtsstaats nur schwer fassen lassen.

26 März 2020

Luke Dimitrios Spieker

The Court gives with one hand and takes away with the other

On March 26, the CJEU released a surprising – if not to say disappointing – judgment on the Polish system of disciplinary measures against judges. While the Court confirmed the ample material scope of Article 19(1)(2) TEU, it simultaneously restricted the procedural possibilities to remedy infringements via the preliminary reference procedure.

Michal Kramer

When the Coronavirus Crisis Turns into a Crisis of Democracy

The ongoing political crisis in Israel raises the question of whether the government acts fully in good faith when deciding on measures to fight the spread of COVID-19. The current situation, in which the parliament is hindered from functioning and in which emergency regulations directly benefit the personal situation of the current Prime Minister, raises doubts about this.

09 März 2020

Isabel Feichtner, Geoff Gordon

Maximilian Steinbeis

What does an anthropological critique of value require? And what is the use, and challenge, of asking this question in relation to the law? The idea of ‘critique’ refers here to a frontal questioning of the notion of value, not to a contribution to a theory thereof: calling it ‘anthropological’ entails a focus on the constitution of meaning, with ‘value’ understood as a key cultural parameter of economic life, best expressed today in the imperatives of finance.

Isabel Feichtner, Geoff Gordon

Constitutions of Value: Introduction to the Symposium

The contributions to this symposium are the first fruits of the research project “Constitutions of Value.” They are based on presentations and discussions at a workshop we convened at the University of Würzburg on 12 and 13 December 2019 (with funds made available by the state of Bavaria for the research network ForDemocracy). We had invited lawyers, an economist, a sociologist, a historian, a philosopher, and a commons activist to think about the role of law (together with politics, economics, technology and science) in co-constituting value and value practices. In this introduction we seek to explain what prompted us to assemble this multidisciplinary group to engage in and contribute to a legal study of value, what we hope to achieve with this project, and the challenges that it needs to face.

29 Februar 2020

For Norway it’s Official: The Rule of Law is No More in Poland

The so-called “muzzle law”, adopted by the Polish parliament on January 23, was the last straw. On Thursday 27 February, the board of the Norwegian Court Administration decided to withdraw from its planned cooperation with Poland under the justice programme of the EEA and Norway Grants, due to concerns over the Polish justice reforms.

Gabriel Armas-Cardona

Context Matters

On February 9th, the Armenian parliament authorized a referendum that would allow the Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, to remove seven of the current nine justices from the Constitutional Court. Pashinyan has called the decisions of the Court a “threat to democracy”. On its face, this seems like yet another example of a populist leader trying to use a referendum to increase his power. Examining the context of the situation in Armenia, however, paints a different picture.

28 Februar 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Alive until you aren’t

On Poland, France, UK, Germany, Europe, the World and one great and one less great judgment from Karlsruhe.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The great marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm observed that the “long 19th century” repeatedly posed the question of “who is the people” while the “short 20th century” attempted to answer the question – often in the most bloody and regressive ways. It has been one of U. K. Preuss’s great contributions to grapple with and explain how constitutions have attempted to conceptualize and vindicate “the people” within a liberal and democratic order that can free us from those bloody and regressive ways.

Miros?aw Wyrzykowski

The Ghost of an Authoritarian State Stands at the Door of Your Home

In the late hot summer of 2033, in the home of a retired judge, a copy of a letter dated 21 February 2020 was lying on a desk. It was a father’s letter to his lawyer son. Here are its contents...

25 Februar 2020

Richard Danbury

Is the UK Government Undermining the BBC?

The independent viability of the BBC from the government of the day has always been significantly a matter of convention. Any Government that took on the BBC was likely to suffer, politically, as a result. But since the last election, the political calculus has changed.

23 Februar 2020

Daniel Halberstam

Could there be a Rule of Law Problem at the EU Court of Justice?

The Member States’ current plan of replacing the sitting U.K. Advocate General at the Court of Justice Eleanor Sharpston before the end of her six-year term raises a serious question whether doing so may violate the European Treaties. If yes, this would be a troubling intrusion on the independence of the Court and the constitutional structure of the Union – just when the EU should be setting an example for the Member States (both current and former).

21 Februar 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Das Leben der Anderen

Über rechten Terror, Europa, Türkei, Italien und den fetten Bußprediger von Budapest.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The Life of Others

On right-wing terrorism, Turkey, Strasbourg, Italy and the fat friar of Budapest.

19 Februar 2020

Byzantine Manoeuvres

The case of Osman Kavala, just as that of Selahettin Demirtaş, shows that that a system that breeds Article 18 violations responds to these judgments through yet more Article 18 violations. Bad faith rulings in Strasbourg have so far only received bad faith responses.

The Elephant in the Room

The ECtHR’s Grand Chamber judgement N.D. and N.T. v. Spain may be perceived as a referral of two migrants from illegal to legal pathways of entry, two migrants who were not in need of protection. Those celebrating the judgement for this outcome miss its unsettling implications for the effective guarantee of the principle of non-refoulement.

18 Februar 2020

Angelo Jr Golia, Rachel Behring

Über Deutschland, UK, Irland, Flüchtlingsschutz und meine ganz persönliche Bitte an Friedrich Merz.

Maximilian Steinbeis

It’s not about a seat at the table.

It’s about the table.

On Germany, UK, Ireland, refugee protection and a respectful request to Friedrich Merz.

Carlos Oviedo Moreno

On Thuringia, the US, Poland, Europe and some extremely odd practices in academic publishing.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Das ist kein Probealarm

Über Thüringen, USA, Polen, Europa und die sonderbaren Praktiken im Wissenschafts-Verlagsbusiness.

Constantin Hruschka

Frontex and the Duty to Respect and Protect Human Rights

This blogpost will look at the levels of human rights protection and suggest a way forward in light of the agency’s extended tasks and competencies.

06 Februar 2020

Alessandra Arcuri, Francesco Costamagna, Antoine Vauchez

Über Polen. Andere Länder auch, aber ganz überwiegend über Polen.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The EU has no National Guard

On Poland. Other places too, but mostly about Poland.

In Defence of Multilevel Citizenship – A Rejoinder

The twenty-two responses to Rainer Bauböck's proposal for strengthening urban citizenship suggest two general lessons. First, there is more common ground than expected. None of the authors defends a strong statist view that would not leave any space for a conversation about citizenship at the local level. Second, in spite of its long premodern pedigree, the idea of urban citizenship seems still so new that it needs to be fleshed out in more detail. Conceptual confusion makes it hard to distinguish misunderstanding from disagreement, so the most urgent task now seems to be clarification.

„Was mich eigentlich interessiert, ist das Gesellschaftliche“

Ein Gespräch mit Marietta Auer, der designierten Direktorin am Max-Planck-Institut für Rechtsgeschichte in Frankfurt, über das Juristin- und Wissenschaftlerin-Werden in den 90ern, über die "inhärente Menschenwürdeverletzung" des Staatsexamens und über den Reiz des Heraustretens und von außen Draufschauens.

Stephen Minas

‘Urban Citizenship’ in a Multipolar World

On 23 January 2020, the government of the People’s Republic of China imposed a quarantine on the central Chinese city of Wuhan, population eleven million. Stephen Minas reinforces the cautionary trend in this debate over the merits and prospects of ‘urban citizenship’.

Helmut Philipp Aust

Urban Citizenship – a Status or a Practice?

Helmut Aust reflects on the role of law in this discourse. The answer one might give to the question of decoupling citizenship from the state would arguably also depend on one’s disciplinary perspective. It is easier to think outside of the box from the perspective of political theory, political philosophy, and history than it is from the perspective of the law.

The Danger Zone: Charter Cities, Citizenship, and Social Justice

Urbanisation has radically transformed the way that people live, but a corresponding legal and political shift has not taken place. In North America and most of Europe, the power of cities is derived from the sovereignty of the state. Many cities do not have access to the revenue needed to provide for the social welfare and infrastructure requirements of residents.

Luicy Pedroza

What the Bremen Town Musicians Tell Us about Citizenship’s Potential

Contrary to what Warren Magnusson suggests, Luicy Pedroza finds that non-citizen local enfranchisement is highly important.

25 Januar 2020

Maarten Prak

The ‘Sunk Costs’ of Local Citizenship

The urban citizenship discussed in this Forum is not at all new in the Western world; it has a history of at least a thousand years, and when we include Ancient Athens, even much more. This history is relevant because it suggests the scope, as well as the limitations of such alternatives.

Johanna Hase

Local or Urban Citizenship?

In this contribution Johanna Hase highlights two aspects: First, she argues that the framing in terms of urban rather than local citizenship is not helpful, and possibly even counter-productive, for the purpose of constructing the new citizenship narrative. And second, she questions the relation between emancipating urban citizenship from nationality, on the one hand, and the growing competences of local polities, on the other hand.

The Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) recently lifted the ban on Wikipedia and a surge of, in my view, unwarranted optimism has now sprung out of nowhere both among international and Turkish circles following the case closely. I fail to share this optimism. By all means, the lifting of the ban on Wikipedia is something to be happy about. But the timing and content of the TCC’s decision, when especially read through the political context in which it was handed down, do not give much reason to celebrate.

Avner de Shalit

Thinking Like a City, Thinking Like a State

The city is not only a "densely populated area of continuous settlement, which is organized as a single jurisdiction" (an often used formal definition of a city); the city is also a state of mind, a certain political and social consciousness.

Maxim Timofeev, Olga Kryazhkova

According to news reports, Germany’s governing “grand coalition” now wants to extend protected status to the flags of other nations as well. Oddly enough, the Stars and Stripes might soon enjoy more protection in Germany than in the United States. It is not entirely clear what one should make of this curious possibility. It is rather clearer that, if the proposal becomes law, it likely won’t – and shouldn’t – survive judicial scrutiny.

16 Januar 2020

Ignasi Guardans

The Case of Mr. Junqueras is a Case of Respect of the Rule of Law

Mr. Junqueras was not an MEP nor had any immunity whatsoever when he was put on trial for a crime committed in Spain in accordance with Spanish law. When the trial was completely over, in June 2019, but before a sentence was given by the Court, Mr. Junqueras was elected to the European Parliament. And that was possible, precisely, because Spain being a most protective country, his presumption of innocence was still complete at that time.

15 Januar 2020

On 10 January 2020, the Indian Supreme Court delivered its verdict on the ongoing internet shutdown in Kashmir. While the Court did reprimand the government to some extent, at the time of this writing Kashmir is still cut off from the internet. Anyone who had banked on the Supreme Court to make good on the promise of fundamental rights will be disheartened.

Laurent Pech, Patryk Wachowiec

1460 Days Later: Rule of Law in Poland R.I.P. (Part I)

On 13 January 2016, exactly four years ago today, the Commission activated its rule of law framework for the very first time with respect to Poland. This (two-part) post will highlight the main developments, primarily from the point of view of EU law, which took place in 2019.

10 Januar 2020

Maximilian Steinbeis

Maximilian Steinbeis

2019: a Changed Climate

In which I look back on 2019 and the most-read posts of this year.

Avoiding the next Brexit Cliff-Edge

Boris Johnson wants to legally exclude the prolongation of the extension period of the Withdrawal Agreement. The way to prolong it nevertheless would be an amendment of the Withdrawal Agreement itself. Some argue now that any other way to change the transition period than its prolongation by the JC is legally impossible. Another reading of the legal situation is, however, supportable.

19 Dezember 2019

Alison Young

Back to the Future?

Although the UK has appeared to move from one constitutional crisis to the next during this year, there has been a clear direction of travel: 2019 saw both the legislature and the courts strengthening their checks over the executive. The Conservative Party Manifesto may be interpreted as an attempt to reverse this direction of travel and reinstate the executive at the centre of the Constitution.

18 Dezember 2019

Brexit and the CJEU: why the Opinion of the Court Should be Sought as a Matter of Emergency

With the comfortable majority he managed to secure in the Commons, Boris Johnson is now very likely to be able to push through the British Parliament the withdrawal agreement he negotiated with the European Union back in October. Provided that the European Parliament greenlights it quickly enough, it may well come into force by 31 January 2020, deadline of the last extension decision agreed between the EU-27 and the UK. However, one actor of the process seems to have been forgotten: the Court of Justice of the European Union. This could end up being a huge mistake.

17 Dezember 2019

In which I worry an awful lot about the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

On 10 December, the Hungarian opposition MPs got a lovely present from the governing majority for Christmas wrapped in a big legislative package amending both the Act on Parliament and the Rules of Procedure. The amendments to the parliamentary regulation serve the purpose of silencing the opposition parties which have been constantly gaining strength in the last few months.

Laurent Pech, Kim Lane Scheppele, Wojciech Sadurski

Open Letter to the President of the European Commission

Ever since the European Commission initiated a third infringement procedure in respect to the recurrent attacks on the rule of law by Polish authorities last April, the situation has continued to seriously deteriorate. It is now upon the Commission to promptly submit to the European Court of Justice an application for interim measures in the infringement case C-791/19 Commission v Poland now pending before the Court of Justice.

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Christian Boulanger

Karolina Wigura discusses the idea of future round table talks in Poland between the populists and the other political powers, aiming at achieving a broader consensus to repair the judiciary and other state institutions.

09 Dezember 2019

In which I have second thoughts about primary elections and their benefit for democracy.

05 Dezember 2019

Access to Menstrual Products is a Constitutional Right. Period.

On 7 November, the German Parliament (Bundestag) passed a legislation which will reduce the sales tax on menstrual products from 19 percent, for those classified as “luxury goods”, to 7 percent. While most international human rights instruments as well as constitutions are silent on the issue of access to menstrual products, the “tampon tax” reveals a deep gender bias in tax systems around the world. This bias is not only detrimental to the socio-economic rights of women but it is also unconstitutional as sex-based discrimination.

04 Dezember 2019

Alice Donald

Time for Strasbourg to Open its Doors to Turkey’s Purged Public Servants

A report by the Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project (TLSP) provides fresh evidence that the Commission formed in 2017 to examine the mass dismissals of public servants and liquidation of media outlets and other organisations functions arbitrarily and without transparency. Together with concerns about judicial review by administrative courts and the Constitutional Court, the report casts serious doubt on whether victims of abuses committed under emergency laws have access to an effective domestic remedy – a finding with implications for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) as it considers the long queue of Turkish applications before it.

03 Dezember 2019

Justin Borg-Barthet

A Captured State

The need for a rapid EU response in the rule of law crisis in Malta is evident: Every aspect of Daphne Caruana Galizia’s assassination case is susceptible to political interference from the Office of the Prime Minister. The police force is politically controlled, the magistrate is politically appointed, any pardons which may be granted to extract further information are within the gift of the Prime Minister, as are the chief prosecutors’ career prospects. The question of judicial independence, acute as it is, is just the tip of a rather large iceberg.

02 Dezember 2019

Sergio Verdugo

Between Constitutional Romance and Real-World Politics

Professor A. von Bogdandy in his recent piece published at Verfassungsblog analyzes difficulties regarding enforcement of the EU values. He argues that the application of Treaty provisions relating to EU fundamental values should be cautious in order to avoid controversy or pressure. However, the ‘national identity argument’ is not convincing in the Polish case. It cannot be used by a Member State in an arbitrary or blanket way without being checked and confirmed.

Viktor Z. Kazai

One Step Back, Two Steps Forward

The Hungarian Government has officially abandoned its plans to reform the administrative court system. However, the plan to subdue the judiciary is pursued as relentlessly as ever: On 12 November 2019, the Hungarian Government introduced an omnibus legislation which would extend political influence over the judiciary and guarantee judicial decisions favorable to the Government in politically sensitive cases.

R. Daniel Kelemen, Tommaso Pavone, Cassandra Emmons

On 18 November 2019, Hong Kong’s Court of First Instance held that parts of the Emergency Regulations Ordinance, and the Prohibition on Face Covering Regulation enacted pursuant to the Ordinance, violate the territory’s Basic Law – its constitutional instrument. Beijing’s response to the ruling was the equivalent of a temper tantrum. Viewed in light of the Court's judgment and Beijing’s lengthy history of undermining the Hong Kong judiciary, Beijing’s latest outbursts amount to nothing less than a declaration of war on the territory’s common law legal system.

David Law, Maximilian Steinbeis

Be Aware or Be Next!

In which I call David Law to ask him to explain to me the situation on the ground in Hong Kong.

21 November 2019

Carl Baudenbacher

“Room for Manoeuvre” is the Real Reason for Norway’s EEA Scandal

Hans Petter Graver's explanation of the reasons for the EEA scandal that is currently shaking Norway is not convincing. The total failure of politics, administration, and courts cannot be explained by alleged “conflicts of law” problems, an “extraordinary situation” allegedly created by Norway’s EEA accession, or by a “legal overload” which occurred 25 years ago when EU single market law had to be taken over. Every European country that has joined the EEA on the EFTA side or the EU had to overcome these challenges.

20 November 2019

Joelle Grogan

This is not the End: What lies ahead for the VDL Commission in terms of Brexit

Brexit is the ‘shock’ that united Europe according to the President-elect of the Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. There’s certainly an element of truth to this. Despite some occasional signs of disagreement, the EU-27 have given every show of maintaining a unified position in all stages of the Brexit process so far. There may be a tempting political expediency of prioritising a unified position on Brexit (no doubt in ‘protection of the European project as a whole’) above holding individual Member States’ governments’ to account for measures which further and entrench rule of law backsliding. This post aims to outline only some of those challenges, and highlight outstanding issues, in the years of the Brexit process ahead.

19 November 2019

Barbara Grabowska-Moroz, Jakub Jaraczewski

High Expectations

Both sides have declared victory after the CJEU decision on judicial independence in Poland today. Most probably a more general assessment will be provided in the infringement action against Poland submitted by the Commission in October 2019.

Jud Mathews

The Quest for Trump’s Taxes Heads to the Supreme Court

Donald J. Trump is an open book in many respects, but not when it comes to his federal income taxes. Every major party presidential candidate since 1976 has released his tax returns, and candidate Trump pledged that he would do so as well – yet the promised Form 1040 has not been forthcoming. It remains to be seen, however, whether President Trump can keep his tax returns under wraps in the face of a number of efforts to uncover them currently wending their way through U.S. courts.

18 November 2019

, John Morijn, Maximilian Steinbeis

Stand with Wojciech Sadurski: his freedom of expression is (y)ours

Just days before the trial against Wojciech Sadurski in Warsaw, we write to seek renewal of your support, and for your help in keeping the PiS strategy of coordinated legal harassment against him, and the threat of a criminal conviction and an award of damages against him as well as hefty legal fees, in the public eye. The party believes that it can ride out the storm, and that by ignoring the protests they will eventually disappear. But they will not.

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16 November 2019

Daniel Thym

Ursula von der Leyen als Kollateralschaden des britischen Wahlkampfs?

Als designierte Kommissionspräsidentin durchläuft Ursula von der Leyen derzeit einen Schnellkurs in den Untiefen europäischer Politik. Zuerst mussten drei Kandidat/innen während der parlamentarischen Anhörung aufgeben und der ungarische Ersatzkandidat muss weiterhin zittern. Sodann teilte Boris Johnson am Mittwochabend schriftlich mit, dass seine Regierung keinen Kommissar vorschlagen werde. Seither überschlugen sich die Ereignisse. Am Donnerstagabend eröffnete die Kommission ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen das Vereinigte Königreich.

15 November 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

October was a month of protest, with large-scale protests everywhere from Chile to Hong Kong to Lebanon, as citizens push for democratic government, removal of corrupt politicians, or a more equitable economic system (or all three). Will these protests produce change?

Laurent Pech

From “Nuclear Option” to Damp Squib?

To date, three Article 7(1) TEU hearings have been held in respect of Poland (26 June, 18 September and 11 December 2018) and one in respect of Hungary (16 September 2019). The trouble starts with having to obtain the related documents via repeated freedom of information requests. Analysing those documents, however, reveals further significant shortcomings of the procedure.

Jakub Jaraczewski

Old friends, new friends? Prospects for EU’s cooperation with intergovernmental organisations in promotion of the rule of law

In its July 2019 blueprint for action on the rule of law, the European Commission has outlined three main avenues of action on the rule of law in the EU: prevention, response and promotion.

12 November 2019

Armin von Bogdandy

In the controversial judgement of the Spanish Supreme Court against the Catalan secessionist leaders, seven defendants were found guilty of the crime of sedition (amongst others) and sentenced to prison terms ranging from 9 to 13 years. An appeal to the European Court of Human Rights is likely but it is doubtful whether it will be successful.

Francesco Palermo

The Erosion of Italian Regionalism

Elections in the small, peaceful, politically stable region of Umbria in central Italy normally go rather unnoticed. This didn’t change when the direct election of regional presidents was introduced in 1995, making Italy the only European country with a presidential system at regional level. The stunning victory of the right not only brought Umbria into the spotlight of national politics but also cast light on the erosion of regionalism in Italy.

30 Oktober 2019

Anna Leisner-Egensperger

„Kinderrechte im Grundgesetz“ – Chancen und Risiken

Eine Bund-Länder-Arbeitsgruppe, die ihrem eigenen Zeitplan um Monate voraus ist, kommt im parlamentarischen Geschäft eher selten vor. Hintersinnig ließe sich fragen, wovon die Große Koalition durch ihren Eifer zum „Gedöns im Grundgesetz“ (Jestaedt) tatsächlich ablenken will. Immerhin ist es positiv zu würdigen, dass der für Ende des Jahres angekündigte Abschlussbericht der Bund-Länder-Arbeitsgruppe „Kinderrechte im Grundgesetz“ schon am 25. Oktober der Öffentlichkeit vorgestellt wurde.

29 Oktober 2019

Sumudu Atapattu

“An Idea Whose Time Has Come”

Human rights institutions have long grappled with the question whether established rights could be violated by environmental degradation. For most people, the short answer is, of course, yes. People have suffered for decades from health impacts of air pollution, contaminated water, odors and the like. The latest global issue to have a huge impact on the enjoyment of rights is climate change. Despite the close link between environmental degradation and the enjoyment of rights, international human rights law does not, as yet, recognize a right to a healthy environment as a human right.

28 Oktober 2019

Andreas Eka

Article 50 TEU as Legal Basis for Future Relations?

Whatever form Brexit takes (if it takes place), it will have major legal, economic, practical and political consequences. An extension of the withdrawal date will probably provide sufficient time for much needed scrutiny of the new Brexit Deal negotiated between UK and the EU. It is in that light welcome that calls for examination by both the House of Commons and the European Parliament are now raised. An issue that has however not come up yet is whether the Withdrawal Agreement complies with Article 50 TEU – a failure which might have profound consequences.

25 Oktober 2019

Ankit Kaushik

Constitutional Exceptionalism in Kashmir

The move of India's President to abrogate Article 370 has been subject to much academic debate and discourse along the doctrinaire lines and limits of traditional constitutional law. Since the Declaration was passed, however, in a state of exception, the consequent legal vacuum necessitates an analysis in light of both political facts and public law.

Maximilian Steinbeis

See you around

On Unions, withdrawals and other matters of potentially paradoxical nature.

Victor Ferreres Comella

Constitutional Conflicts

Can the actions perpetrated by the leaders of the secessionist movement be understood to be crimes under Spanish law? Does the Spanish Constitution or international law protect those actions in the name of fundamental rights, including the right to protest? The Spanish Supreme Court deals with these issues in its lengthy opinion. A reply to José Luis Martí's assessment of that decision.

24 Oktober 2019

Teresa Violante

On elections in Poland and Hungary and other constitutional matters of hope and despair.

Marcin Matczak

The Polish Senate under Opposition Control

The Polish Senate is not going to open with a prayer, but it might well close with an investigation: What the loss of its majority in the second chamber of Parliament could entail for PiS rule and it's attacks against the rule of law.

An Exotic Right

The Spanish Supreme Court's ruling in the trial against Catalan secessionist leaders will definitely not help to solve the conflict. Quite on the contrary, it will make it intractable in the short run, as we are beginning to see in the riots in the streets of Barcelona. In my opinion, this ruling is unjust and legally wrong. Even worse, it is unconstitutional since it compromises the fundamental democratic rights of protest – the freedom of expression, the freedom of assembly, and the right to demonstrate.

15 Oktober 2019

Giorgio Grasso

The European Ombudsman as an Insurmountable Roadblock?

On 17 September 2019, the European Ombudsman adopted a decision rejecting a complaint against the European Parliament submitted by The Good Lobby, an NGO “committed to giving voice to under-represented public interests and bringing more citizens into the public policy process”. The action was supported by Alberto Alemanno, also co-founder and director of the NGO, and Laurent Pech. In their post of last May 2019 they already described in detail their dealings with the Authority of European political parties and European political foundations (hereinafter the Authority) and with the President of Parliament. The subsequent stages and the Ombudsman’s take reveal the wider consequences of this process and some silver linings.

In a recent interview with Verfassungsblog, Wojciech Sadurski lists his fears accompanying the high probability of the Law and Justice forthcoming electoral victory. He mentions fundamental rules and values, such as the constitutional order, an independent judiciary, fair elections and free press. However, what can also be at stake and what just seemingly may be considered of lesser importance, is the possible conclusion of the process of reshaping the historical narratives and introduction of a state-imposed vision of historical truth.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

10 Anti-Constitutional Commandments

Poland is on the eve of the parliamentary elections to be held on October 13, 2019. This provides a good opportunity to step back for a second to analyse the turbulent years of 2015-2019 and to piece together scattered elements of a new constitutional doctrine that has emerged since November 2015. Such a perspective should help readers of Verfassungsblog to truly understand and appreciate the scale and depth of the change that has happened to the prevalent (and what was presumed to be unshakeable) post-1989 constitutional paradigms.

11 Oktober 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Getting Rid of Them

On impeaching Trump, sacking BoJo and other matters of constitutional reverie.

Gaurav Mukherjee

Miller/Cherry 2 Goes to Kashmir

There are certain principles which emerge from Miller/Cherry 2 which are meaningful for cases involving judicial review of executive powers. The application of these principles, especially in cases where the line between the executive and legislature is thin (resulting in what Bagehot described as the ‘fusion of powers’), can guide comparative lawyers to hitherto underexplored areas of administrative law accountability of the executive to legislative bodies.

Pawel Marcisz

Creating a Safe Venue of Judicial Review

On 24 September 2019, Advocate General Tanchev delivered his opinion in joined cases C-558/18 and C-563/18. It is his latest involvement in a series of cases which concern the rule of law in Poland and which is questionable from a legal as well as factual standpoint.

10 Oktober 2019

Piet Eeckhout

The Brexit stalemate is unlikely to wither. In a smart spin, distracting from the unlawfulness of the Parliament shutdown, the blame for not delivering Brexit is now put on the Parliament. The Parliament and “the establishment” are pitted against the will of the people. Since the 2016 referendum, however, provided for no clear procedural or substantive mandate, no form of Brexit, including remain, can claim its legitimacy based on the “will of the people” unless there is a second referendum.

Medha Srivastava

When the Judiciary Undermines Judicial Independence

India’s Supreme Court has long sought to protect itself, mostly through an insulated appointment system, from political pressures. Judicial independence seems to be the catchphrase for the Indian Judiciary when it is under pressure or attack. But how far has the Court been successful in navigating and managing the problems caused by judicial hierarchies and politics within its very own walls?

Following a coup attempt by a small group in the Turkish Armed Forces in 2016, the Turkish Government declared a state of emergency for three months. Although it observed procedural rules laid down by national and international law on declaring a state of emergency, the Government's use of the emergency powers contradicts non-derogable rights laid down in the Turkish Constitution, the ICCPR and the ECHR.

Mark Tushnet

Impeaching a President: how it works, and what to expect from it

Metaphors abound in discussing how dramatically the issue of presidential impeachment has become central in U.S. political discourse: a simmering kettle boiled over, the Whistle Blower blew the lid off efforts to conceal scandalous (almost treasonous) presidential behavior. And everyone notes that what has been revealed is almost certainly matched by information that will come out sooner rather than later. It’s not possible to summarize the state of play because relevant events occur almost hourly. Here I’ll offer a primer on presidential impeachment in the United States for readers who might not be familiar with the basics, then offer some comments about presidential impeachment in comparative constitutional law.

27 September 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Without the Benefit of Hindsight

On history being written by the winner and other myths of constitutional and unconstitutional nature.

26 September 2019

Pietro Faraguna

“Constitutional Paternalism” and the Inability to Legislate

On 25 September 2019, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) has made clear that assisted suicide is not punishable under specific conditions. The judgment came one year after the ICC had ordered the Italian Parliament to legislate on the matter – which it did not do. The entire story is indicative of the inability of Parliaments to respond to social demands as well as the current trend of high courts to act as shepherds of parliaments rather than as guardians of the constitution.

25 September 2019

Michael Wilkinson

A Constitutionally Momentous Judgment That Changes Practically Nothing?

The Supreme Court’s judgment in Cherry/Miller (No 2) that the prorogation of Parliament was unlawful, null and of no effect was a bold move as a matter of public law. It represents a constitutional court willing to assert its authority as guardian of the constitution. But although potentially of long-term constitutional moment, it changes very little with regard to the fundamental constitutional and political issue of Britain’s membership of the European Union.

Oskar J. Gstrein

The Judgment That Will Be Forgotten

On September 24 2019, the ECJ delivered its judgment in Google vs CNIL (C-517/17) which was expected to clarify the territorial scope of the ‘right to be forgotten’. In fact, the ECJ’s decision is disappointing in several respects. The Court does not only open the door to fragmentation in European data protection law but also fails to further develop the protection of individual rights in the digital age.

Undemocratic but Formally Lawful: The Suspension of the Polish Parliament

While the attention of many constitutional law scholars has been on the UK Government’s decision to prorogue Parliament and first judicial responses, the Polish Sejm’s plenary sitting has been unexpectedly suspended and postponed until after the general elections of 13 October 2019. The decision has a precedential nature. For the first time since the Polish Constitution entered into force, the ‘old’ Sejm is sitting while the ‘new’ Sejm will be waiting for an opening. Although this decision is formally compliant with the Polish Constitution, it is nonetheless undemocratic and raises some serious questions about the motivation behind this move.

Gleb Bogush

Voting in Russia: Please Don’t Call it “Elections”

On September 8, numerous Russian regions voted in the framework of a so-called “single voting day”. Most significantly, Moscow voted for the members of City Council (“Duma”), and Russia’s second-largest city Saint Petersburg was to elect its governor. It would be a mistake, however, to draw any conclusions on the sentiments of the Russian people from the results as the voting process was skewed at every stage of the so-called “election”.

24 September 2019

Emanuel V. Towfigh

Boris Johnson’s Strategy of Assured Mutual Destruction: Crazy but not Irrational

One of the frequent equivocal “courtesy” titles that has been awarded to Boris Johnson these days is that of plunger or reckless gambler. Boris Johnson may be many things — his language coarse, his behavior ruthless — but if you analyze his behavior in the current Brexit affair from a decision theoretic angle there is a rational interpretation for his seemingly irrational approach.

Oliver Garner

Why the UK’s Government’s Demands on the Irish Backstop Would Violate the Sovereignty of the EU-27

Prime Minister Boris Johnson has asked the European Council President in a letter for reciprocal ‘binding legal guarantees’ not to put in place infrastructure, checks, or controls at the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland. The significance of this has been amplified by the European Parliament’s resolution that it will not consent to any Withdrawal Agreement without an Irish Backstop, in direct contravention to the UK’s position. This post will argue that the EU legal order places constraints on this option. Ireland would be in breach of EU law if it followed this course, and the EU institutions have no discretion to suspend these legal obligations.

Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

The UK Supreme Court is about to decide the fate of the UK Government’s decision to prorogue Parliament. Two are the main issues: First, justiciability – whether the Government’s decision can be subject to judicial scrutiny or whether it lies beyond the Judiciary’s remit. Second, if judicial review is available, whether the Government’s decision is lawful. Although the two issues prima facie appear to be distinct, in this case they are intertwined. I believe that the issue of prorogation in this case is justiciable and that the Government’s decision to prorogue falls within the legal boundaries of the Constitution.

Quirin Weinzierl

Difficult Times Ahead for the Facebook „Supreme Court“

Over the past years, Facebook as well as other online platforms faced constant criticism and pressure from civil society, lawmakers, and governments regarding their role in content moderation. As a response, Facebook for the last two years sought a way to handle the decision-making process in a more transparent, accountable, and fair way, while at the same time diverting responsibility from itself and its CEO and sole controller, Mark Zuckerberg. Now, it finally rolls out its plan for an independent Oversight Board, also referred by some, including Mark Zuckerberg, as a “Supreme Court”. Major questions arise as to its mandate, the establishment of global free speech standards and the reactions of national courts.

20 September 2019

Julia Moses

The judgment of the US Supreme Court issued on Wednesday (Attorney General v. East Bay Sanctuary Covenant) purports to be simply procedural: It overturns a lower court injunction that prevented President Trump’s unilateral “safe third country” rule from coming into force before its legality is tested on the merits. But in truth, the Supreme Court knowingly acquiesced in the refoulement of refugees arriving at the US southern border.

11 September 2019

Norway’s Heureka Moment?

Norwegian elections are usually quite boring. While the government changes between different parties, the party structure has been remarkably stable for more than 80 years. And for decades, constitutional lawyers have been denied juicy electoral scandals. The electoral system runs smoothly without major hiccups. Monday’s local election brought at last a glimmer of excitement for Norwegian constitutional lawyers. Not only did a newly-formed protest movement shake up the traditional party landscape. It also came to light that Norway's public broadcaster attempted to manipulate students in the non-official school election.

Cem Tecimer

Recognizing Court-Packing

There is near scholarly consensus that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has successfully packed the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC). Court packing is commonly understood as expanding the membership of the court, appointing judges with long tenures that extend beyond a couple of election cycles, and who are ideologically committed to the executive’s constitutional vision. These elements, however, are still foreign to Turkey’s political elites.

09 September 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ein Volkskanzler

Jetzt mal angenommen, es käme einer. Mal angenommen, da wäre plötzlich einer, der die Menschen begeistert und mit Hoffnung erfüllt. Ein Neuer, ein Erneuerer, ein von der alten Bundesrepublik und ihrer Politik und ihrem zerfallenden Parteiensystem gänzlich Unkontaminierter. Ein Zukunftsszenario.

07 September 2019

The Age of Constitutional Barbarism

We need to rediscover the force of normative arguments in order to better understand the autocratic rivals to liberal democracy. Geburtstagskind Verfassungsblog provides a vibrant and openly accessible forum for discussions.

06 September 2019

08 August 2019

Kanad Bagchi

Twelfth Global Research Update since DEM-DEC was launched This twelfth [...]

28 Juli 2019

A Hungarian Judge Seeks Protection from the CJEU – Part I

For the first time, a Hungarian judge stayed proceedings to ask the CJEU preliminary questions about the independence of Hungarian courts. The questions concern the appointment of court presidents and the low salary of judges. The response of Hungarian authorities was quick: Within a week, the Prosecutor General requested the Kúria (Hungary’s Supreme Court) to review the reference with the possible effect of deterring other judges from asking similar questions.

24 Juli 2019

Matthias Hartwig

Strengthening the President – Betraying Maidan?

Last Sunday's parliamentary elections resulted in a composition of the Verkhovna Rada – the Ukrainian parliament – which guarantees a solid majority to the President's party. The circumstances leading to the prematurely held elections, however, were more than doubtful from a constitutional law perspective. The Constitutional Court (CC) confirmed the dissolution of Ukraine’s parliament as constitutional in a controversial decision which strengthens the position of the president and thereby ignores the intentions and objectives of the Maidan revolution of 2014.

21 Juli 2019

Radosveta Vassileva

A Judge Born in the USSR

The Sofia City Court which is notorious for its corruption is currently dealing with its latest scandal which involves the citizenship of the court’s President Alexey Trifonov. There are rising concerns that he is not a Bulgarian citizen – holding Bulgarian citizenship, however, is a requirement to serve as a magistrate in Bulgaria. The answer to a question, which appears to be simple at first glance – what is judge Trifonov’s citizenship? – requires the study of USSR and Bulgarian citizenship law applicable in 1972. The issue has already reached Bulgaria’s Supreme Administrative Court and illustrates the deplorable state of Bulgaria’s rule of law.

19 Juli 2019

Orna Ben-Naftali, Hedi Viterbo, Michael Sfard

Response: Critiquing in the Light of The ABC of the OPT

Interwoven across the contributions to this symposium are two central themes: first, the use of conceptual frameworks as critical tools, and second, international law’s relationship with state violence. In what follows, we will reflect on the contributors’ comments regarding each of these themes.

18 Juli 2019

Joelle Grogan

Michele Krech

FIFA for Women or Women for FIFA? The Inherent Tensions of FIFA’s Women’s Football Strategy

How does FIFA purport to address and overcome its historical and ongoing record of institutional disregard for, and discrimination against, women? Its primary weapon appears to be the recently adopted Women’s Football Strategy, designed to “empower the organisation to take further concrete steps to address the historic shortfalls in resources and representation, while advocating for a global stand against gender discrimination through playing football”. This may seem an ambitious compound goal, seeking to advance gender equality within FIFA, football and beyond. But what promise does the Women’s Football Strategy actually hold in this regard?

06 Juli 2019

Daniel Rietiker

The European Court of Human Rights and FIFA: Current Issues and Potential Challenges

The aim of this post is to address the relevance of the European Court of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights for FIFA.

Maximilian Steinbeis

The Bursting of a Constitutional Bubble

On stunts, bluffs, confidence tricks and other mind-boggling matters constitutional.

Wojciech Lewandowski

Is Bauer the new Bosman? – The implications of the recent jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union for FIFA

In its Bauer ruling the CJEU confirmed that the fundamental rights enshrined in the Charter might under certain circumstances become horizontally applicable. This post argues that this development of judgments has implications also for sport federations such as FIFA.

05 Juli 2019

Klaus Bachmann

Throwing the EU Off Balance

The battlefield after the European Council summits is still coated with dust, but damages to Central and Eastern Europe and more specifically the Polish and Hungarian government are already visible. There will be no representative of the new Member States (those that entered the EU in and after 2004) among the top jobs. This result is also the consequence of the Spitzenkandidaten model which works to the detriment of smaller Member States and parties and undermines the EU’s basic pillars.

Raquel Regueiro Dubra

Shared International Responsibility for Human Rights Violations: The 2022 World Cup in Qatar

Since Qatar won the hosting rights for the 2022 FIFA World Cup in 2010, recurrent human rights violations of migrants working on building or refurbishing new infrastructure for the tournament have been denounced. As football’s governing body, FIFA should have been aware of the risk that the organisation of the 2022 World Cup could entail human rights violations in the country. In this blog, I investigate how a migrant worker could engage the legal responsibility of the different actors involved in the organisation of the FIFA World Cup 2022.

FIFA’s Eigen-constitutionalization and its limits

We argued that the explicit inclusion of human rights in FIFA ́s Statutes since April 2016 exemplifies how transnational sports law (lex sportiva) can undergo processes of eigen-constitutionalization that contribute to the protection of human rights. Yet, this protection can be effective only when coupled to regimes of reflexivity and enforceability.

Davide Paris

Overruling Roe v. Wade?

Following President Trump’s appointment of Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh the question has arisen as to whether, in the coming years, the U.S. Supreme Court will overrule its seminal judgment in Roe v. Wade. Roe established a woman’s fundamental right to choose to have an abortion before the viability of the fetus. The question of Roe’s destiny appears more pressing today than ever before because reversing the case has formed part of President Trump’s successful political platform.

04 Juli 2019

Kenneth Armstrong

Has the Spitzenkandidaten System Failed and Should We Care?

The nomination of Germany’s Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen is both a beginning and an end. It begins a new chapter for the European Commission with its first woman president. But also appears to mark the end of the Spitzenkandidaten approach to the selection of European Commission presidents. Indeed, all of the ‘lead candidates’ of the European political groupings were left empty-handed. If this is to be the demise of Spitzenkandidaten, will its passing be mourned?

Eleanor Drywood

Hong Kong's existence as a liberal pocket within a socialist party state has been a risky experiment from the outset. The substance of the dispute about extradition to mainland China does not pertain to the viability of the “one country, two systems” governing model. The way in which the saga unfolded, however, reveals flaws in Hong Kong’s political system that, if unrectified, may prove fatal to the model.

Yongxi Chen

A Déjà Vu? The Social Credit System and fajia (Legalism)

While it is certainly beneficial to contrast the SCS to emerging governance mechanisms in the West or principles of civil liberties, it is equally important to connect it to traditional Chinese thoughts which may have influenced the policy-makers. In view of the tendency of associating the SCS with Confucianism, this blog post concentrates on fajia (legalism), a traditional school of political and legal thought that had shaped the mode of governance in imperial China.

27 Juni 2019

Jeremy Daum

Untrustworthy: Social Credit Isn’t What You Think It Is

Posing questions about how technology can be used to shape citizens, and change what it means to be a citizen, is of critical and immediate importance, but using China as a blank slate on which we project hypotheticals causes more confusion than clarity. It can distract us from more pressing concerns regarding China, technology or both.

26 Juni 2019

Francesca Lagioia, Giovanni Sartor

Scoring Systems: Levels of Abstraction

One of the contested issues in this debate relates to similarities and differences between scoring systems in China and in the West – how unique is China? In this post, we will try to reconcile the different perspectives, arguing that both commonalities and differences exist, depending on the adopted level of abstraction. Thus, we shall zoom in the Chines Social Credit System (SCS), examining the features it shares with other systems and point to related issues: it is a scoring system, it is formal, it is ICT based, it is surveillance based, it is opaque and unaccountable. This enables us to distinguish commonalities and differences.

25 Juni 2019

Joshua Fairfield

Data Diets and Democracy: The Chinese Social Credit System From a Machine Learning Perspective

The Chinese Social Credit System trends against democracy. It is being built by a competent and motivated anti-democratic system with social control as one stated goal. The more important question though is whether the Chinese machine learning data diet will make Chinese AI stronger than Western AI, and whether the realities of machine learning will undermine Western-style capitalism and liberal democracy. As this essay argues, I think there is a real chance that both will occur.

Mirjam Mueller

Is a Social Credit System Good for Women?

In a capitalist economy, the value of goods tends to be tied to their exchange value. A Social Credit System is, in principle, able to integrate a wider set of behaviours and characteristics that merit reward than the price mechanism. It could hence turn out to be better at valuing feminine-coded tasks, such as care-work. Yet, I argue, feminists should be sceptical with regards to the emancipatory potential of a Social Credit System, as such a system might turn out to merely reproduce dominant forms of valuing rather than promoting real change.

Jacquelyn D. Veraldi, Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov, Oskar J. Gstrein

Where Citizenship Law and Data Protection Law Converge

Becoming a citizen of a country is a noteworthy event. But in light of increasing concerns over the protection of personal data, states face questions regarding the necessity of formal publication of the personal data of their new citizens. A closer look at Member States' practices reveals radical discrepancies between the national approaches taken across the EU.

24 Juni 2019

Primavera de Filippi

On May 28th, the Italian Chamber of Deputies approved a resolution requiring the government to issue the so-called mini-BOTs. Under such a name, reference is made to Treasury bills issued in small denominations (in Euros), bearing no interest, with no expiry date, and which the Italian Exchequer would accept as a means of payment of taxes. The proposal has been predictably met with marked skepticism by European institutions and by the Italian Minister of Economy and Finance. However, the wisest move, in prudential, political and economic terms, would be that European institutions would embrace experimentation with complementary currencies, in genuine federal spirit.

Jiahong Chen

Putting ‘Good Citizens’ in ‘The Good Place’?

In this contribution, I will aim to answer the question as to whether a Social Credit System will be more likely to lead a society to a ‘digital republic’ or a ‘digital dictatorship’. After analysing how the Chinese Social Credit System exhibits an enormous gap between policy-making and policy-execution, I argue that instead of a utopia or dystopia, such a system is more likely to lead us to a future of ‘digital bureaucracy’.

20 Juni 2019

Costica Dumbrava

The Citizen, the Tyrant, and the Tyranny of Patterns

Good citizenship cannot be captured or fixed by an algorithm, because: (1) people genuinely disagree about what good citizenship is; (2) there are limits to how any conception of good citizenship can be enforced in states that uphold the rule-of-law; and (3) even the best scheme of algorithmic citizenship would fail to achieve its objectives due to the inherent weaknesses of applying algorithms to social affairs.

Alberto Romele

An Illusion of Western Democracies

The thesis I propose is that the reason why the Social Credit System so scandalises Westerners is not because it is contrary to ‘our’ Aristotelian and Arendtian liberal political tradition. Rather, it is precisely because it shows the illusion upon which this tradition is founded. This consists in believing that there is a void at our disposal between people as ‘free’ citizens and the political as a set of laws.

19 Juni 2019

Albert H.Y. Chen

A Perfect Storm

On 9 June 2019, Hong Kong became the focus of international attention as hundreds of thousands of demonstrators marched on Hong Kong Island to oppose the imminent enactment of a bill that would introduce a rendition arrangement, inter alia, as between Hong Kong and other parts of China (including mainland China, Taiwan and Macau). This legislative proposal has not only led to the largest protests in the history of postcolonial Hong Kong but has also brought about one of the greatest crises of governance in post-1997 Hong Kong.

Cristie Ford

Seeing Like an Authoritarian State

It is analytically problematic and perhaps amoral to proceed as if the Social Credit System concept is a purely technocratic initiative that exists at some metaphysical separation from the regime that spawned it.

Jelena Dzankic

The Docile Minds of Perfect Societies

I ardently oppose the use of surveillance mechanisms in regulating the relationship between individuals and governance structures. As a result of three interrelated dynamics, rather than creating ‘perfect’ citizens, social credit systems are more likely to create calculated and passive subjects.

18 Juni 2019

John Cheney-Lippold

Social Reproduction and Social Credit Apparatuses

John Cheney-Lippold removes China from the analysis. Abstracting a social credit system allows him to ask more general questions: What do all social credit systems purportedly want? And most importantly: What is the 'social' in social credit?

Mathias Siems,

Treating China as a ‘Normal’ Country

This blog post suggests that it is preferable to regard China's Social Credit Systems as a specific instance of a wider phenomenon. In this respect, China may be considered as a 'normal country' experimenting with rating-based forms of governance.

17 Juni 2019

The Most Dangerous Branch

On 7, 8 and 9 June 2019, from Friday to Sunday, the Moldovan Constitutional Court delivered six rulings which were rather atypical, to say the least. The court ordered the dissolution of the new parliament and declared all parliamentary acts unconstitutional, then invalidated the nomination of the new prime minister and the appointment of the government, and lastly, removed the Moldovan president from office and replaced him with the former prime minister as interim president. One week later, however, the situation became even more bizarre when the court announced a new judgment repealing each of its six rulings. What was going on in Chișinău and why?

The Hungarian Constitutional Court's decision on the homelessness ban is not only devastating in terms of outcome, but also in terms of quality of the Court’s reasoning. This poor quality does not stem from the justices’ intellectual inability to adequately address the issues involved in this case, but from unacceptable political considerations spread among the members of the Court.

11 Juni 2019

Human Dignity for Good Hungarians Only

On 4 June 2019 the packed Constitutional Court of Hungary issued an astonishingly inhuman decision: The criminalization and eventual imprisonment of homeless people, the Court declared, is in line with the 2011 Fundamental Law of Hungary. According to the majority, “ (…) nobody has the right to poverty and homelessness, this condition is not part of the right to human dignity.”

09 Juni 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

A Bad Workman Blames His Tools

On caulking walls, laying oxygen pipes and other matters of constitutional craftsmanship

03 Juni 2019

, Anna ?ledzi?ska-Simon

The puissance of infringement procedures in tackling rule of law backsliding

In this blog post Petra Bárd and Anna Śledzińska-Simon propose the CJEU to introduce “rule of law infringement procedures”, having both a fast-track and a freezing component, as part of a wider “EU rule of law toolbox”.

Simeon Stoychev

On young protesters, old constitutions and other matters of epochal significance.

Evelien Brouwer

Tenth Global Research Update since DEM-DEC was launched This tenth [...]

Alexander Pirang

Unfinished Business for the European Parliament: The EU Terrorist Content Regulation

A new EU Regulation aims to prevent online platforms from being abused to spread terrorist content. Unfortunately, the misguided draft gravely threatens freedom of expression. It is up to the newly elected European Parliament to do necessary damage control.

18 Mai 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

The news that a 51-year-old activist, Ms Elżbieta Podleśna, was detained and interrogated by Polish authorities shocked the public in Poland. She is charged under Poland's "blasphemy law" for allegedly putting up posters of the Virgin Mary with a rainbow halo. This latest example of Polish authorities prosecuting cases of religious insults illustrates the incompatibility of Poland’s “blasphemy law” with European human rights guarantees, in particular the freedom of expression.

13 Mai 2019

Autonomy in Decline? A Commentary on Rimšēvičs and ECB v Latvia

In the world of European central banking, the corruption case against Ilmars Rimšēvičs, Governor of the Central Bank of Latvia, is a major issue. Ordinary European lawyers like the present author could be excused for having missed the Rimšēvičs case pending before the EU Court of Justice (Cases C-202/18 and C-238/18). In its judgment of 26 February 2019, the Court of Justice for the first time had the opportunity to define the scope of the review conducted in an infringement proceeding pursuant to Article 14.2 of the Statute of the ESCB and of the ECB (‘the Statute’) and to determine the legal effect of a judgment rendered in this context. The latter gives the case a constitutional significance far beyond the field of central banking.

12 Mai 2019

Lasse Schuldt

Hello – and Goodbye! How Royal Powerplay aborted Malaysia’s ICC Membership

On 5 April 2019, the United States revoked the visa of the ICC chief prosecutor because of her attempts to investigate allegations of war crimes in Afghanistan, including any that may have been committed by American forces. On the same day, Malaysia’s Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad announced that his country was withdrawing its signature from the Rome Statute, just one month after having signed it. Did the Malaysian drama just coincide with Washington’s move? The most likely answer is yes. Rather, it reflects long-existing tensions between Malaysia’s federal government and the country’s royalty.

11 Mai 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ranks and Titles

On being a professor, running for MEP and other matters of legal and constitutional entitlement.

Administrative Court of Munich on Seehofer Push Backs: No Protection of Interim Legal Protection?

Last summer's Asylstreit – the controversy about push backs of asylum seekers at the Austrian-Bavarian border called for by Minister of Interior Seehofer –, resulted in take back agreements with a few Dublin member states. Is such a bilateral Dublin bypass lawful? In a case of precedence, the Administrative Court of Munich now issued an interim decision.

10 Mai 2019

Christoph Enders

„Der III. Weg“ in Plauen und das Militanzverbot des Versammlungsrechts

Ze-Situation: A Constitutional Law Perspective on Ukraine’s Elections and What is Coming Next

On 21 April, 41-year-old actor and comedian Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who entered the political scene only in January 2019, won the second ballot of Ukraine’s presidential election with 73 percent of the national vote. Ukrainians are placing high hopes on their new President to improve the country’s politicial and economic situation. But political games and Ukraine’s constitution will make it difficult for Zelenskiy to bring about the change he was elected for.

04 Mai 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

In the past few months, the Fidesz government has been working on the reform of the administrative judiciary at full speed. The Constitutional Court recently had the opportunity to slow down the process of undermining judicial independence by invalidating the reform legislative act on the basis of procedural irregularities. Even though the law had been adopted as a result of a chaotic parliamentary vote, the justices did not find a violation of the Fundamental Law. The outcome is not surprising, as the Court cannot be accused of exercising a particularly strong control over the parliamentary legislative process in general. What is puzzling, however, is the massive amount of hypocrisy manifested in the reasoning.

30 April 2019

A Failed Attempt to Dissolve a Political Party in Slovakia

On 29 April 2019 the Supreme Court of the Slovak Republic (SCSR) refused to dissolve the political party Kotleba – Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko (People’s Party Our Slovakia). A five-judge administrative senate essentially found insufficient evidence to ban the party and in a press release pointed the finger at the plaintiff, the General Prosecutor’s office, for mishaps in how the case was argued.

27 April 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Confidence and Trust

On some unexpected ramifications of the judicial independence issue and other constitutional mischief.

23 April 2019

Radosveta Vassileva

Is Bulgaria’s Rule of Law about to Die under the European Commission’s Nose? The Country’s Highest-Ranking Judge Fears So

On 17 April 2019, the President of Bulgaria’s Supreme Court of Cassation Lozan Panov was the keynote speaker at a yearly event dedicated to court independence. In his speech, Panov painted a vivid, yet gruesome picture of Bulgaria’s rule of law which is about to die like an oblivious frog in a pan of hot water reaching tipping point. Sadly, EU institutions have been turning a blind eye to the troublesome developments in Bulgaria for far too long.

22 April 2019

Adeel Hussain

“Twenty Years of Selfless Service”: The Unmaking of India’s Chief Justice

India's Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi has been accused by a former staffer of sexual harassment. In a glaring transgression of judicial procedure, Gogoi staged a 23-minute suo motu hearing, in which he presided over a bench made up of Justices Arun Mishra and Sanjiv Khanna. Gogoi feels justified to adjudicate his own case because of extraordinary circumstances.

20 April 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Towards the 8th Decade of the Grundgesetz

On constitutional jubilees, narratives, books and other causes for celebration and concern.

Lasse Schuldt

A Ministry of Truth in Singapore? Reflections on the Anti-Fake News Bill

On 1 April, the government of Singapore introduced the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Bill. Often referred to as the Singaporean anti-fake news law, it is expected to be enacted with a few changes in the coming weeks or months. A closer look at the bill’s context, its most powerful elements and its possible regional impact as a model for legislation in other countries reveals that it is most likely to have a chilling effect on freedom of expression.

19 April 2019

Jack Simson Caird

Unless the Withdrawal Act is adopted after all, the UK will need to elect MEPs in May. It is unlikely, however, that European Parliament elections will help to resolve the political impasse in Westminster. Hence, something else will have to move.

Andrii Nekoliak

In the infringement case about forced retirement of Polish Supreme Court judges, the Advocate General has delivered his much-awaited opinion. The AG proposed that the Court should declare that Poland failed to fulfil its obligations under Article 19 TEU. I do agree with this conclusion. I do not share, however, the Advocate General's view that the complaint of the Commission should be rejected as inadmissible as far as it is based on the right to an independent judge under Article 49 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

06 April 2019

On 21 March 2019, the draft constitutional amendment introducing individual constitutional complaint to the Lithuanian legal system passed the second vote in the Parliament of Lithuania (Seimas) and was finally adopted. As of 1 September 2019, individuals (natural and legal persons) will have the right to directly apply to the Constitutional Court of Lithuania claiming that a law or other legal act of the Parliament, the President, or the Government are not in line with the Constitution and is breaching their rights.

Tamas Dezso Ziegler

On Brexit, the Westminster model and other precipitous matters constitutional.

Systemic Error – On Hungary’s Extension of European Voting Rights to Non-Resident Citizens

Last December, the Hungarian legislator adopted a rule that allows non-EU-resident Hungarian citizens to vote at the European Parliament elections. This rule is in line with a 2018 Council decision. Implementation done, EU conformity secured, nothing to see here. Or is there?

22 März 2019

Jack Simson Caird

The Bercow Bombshell: Political Constitutionalism in Action

In this post, I defend the constitutional logic of Speaker's intervention. In a constitutional system such as the UK, which largely depends on political institutions and norms to check the executive, it is entirely appropriate – indeed, desirable – that the Speaker identify, interpret and enforce such norms to defend the institutional interests of the House of Commons and basic values of parliamentary democracy.

21 März 2019

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz, Logan Strother

The Role of Citizen Emotions in Constitutional Backsliding – Mapping Out Frontiers of New Research

Liberal, constitutional democracy is decaying in Eastern Europe. Important liberal institutions and norms face threats even in stronger and more stable democracies in Western Europe, and perhaps especially in the United States. the assault on key liberal institutions by populist movements has been as successful as it has because those groups have been able to harness – and fuel – the anger and anxieties of citizens.

19 März 2019

Alberto Alemanno

The Eurozenship debate has generated a wealth of ideas and [...]

Viktor Z. Kazai

Stop Soros Law Left on the Books – The Return of the “Red Tail”?

On 28 February, Hungary's Constitutional Court found the so-called Stop Soros legislative package constitutional. Shocking as it may seem at first glance, this case reminds us how difficult it is to evaluate the judgments of a constitutional court operating in an illiberal political regime.

04 März 2019

A few days ago, with the decision no 20/2019, the Italian Constitutional Court (ICC) has set a new cornerstone in its relationship with EU law and, in particular, with the judicial treatment of issues covered by both national fundamental rights and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. In so doing, the Consulta shows the intention to act as a pivotal institution in the field of judicial protection of fundamental rights.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

From Constitutional to Political Justice: The Tragic Trajectories of the Polish Constitutional Court

The Polish Constitutional Court, once a proud institution and an effective check on the will of the majority, is now a shell of its former self. The constitutional scars of the capture affect not only the legitimacy of the institution, but also the very constitutionality of the “decisions” rendered by the new court in 2017-2018.

26 Februar 2019

Jack Simson Caird

The House of Commons’ Last Chance at Taking Back Control?

On Wednesday 27 February, MPs will have another opportunity to debate an amendable motion on the Government’s approach to Brexit. The debate on Wednesday is likely to focus on the plan put forward by Yvette Cooper MP (Labour) and Oliver Letwin MP (Conservative). They want MPs to have a legally binding say on whether the Prime Minister seeks an extension to Article 50’s two-year negotiating period. The opportunity to approve or reject the Cooper-Letwin on Wednesday represents the most important Brexit decision that the Commons has taken since the deal was rejected on 15 January.

23 Februar 2019

The draft EU Regulation on preventing the dissemination of terrorist content online constitutes a grave threat to freedom of expression. It could be applied in respect of journalists, non-governmental organisations, political parties, trade unions, indigenous peoples, scholars of history or social sciences, novelists, cartoonists, photographers and filmmakers. Its cross-border application makes it a dreadful tool in the hands of authoritarian regimes or rogue officials.

Liav Orgad

A Citizenship Maze: How to Cure a Chronic Disease?

European Union (EU) citizenship is in crisis. If the Eurozenship debate, composed of experts on EU citizenship, is analogized to a doctor’s diagnosis, the outcome is more extensively polarized than initially thought—a chronic disease, not just a temporary disorder. As I follow the debate, it is no longer clear what the problem is—there seem to be too many, real and imaginary—or how to heal it. Some issues seem to be “genetic,” part of the EU’s DNA, yet others resemble a concrete illness that may be cured, so the argument goes, by a “doctor's prescription,” which in law means a legal design.

29 Januar 2019

Willem Maas

Member State and EU Citizenships Should be Strengthened Rather than Disentangled

While perhaps appealing as a gesture towards addressing problems such the anticipated deprivation of rights following Brexit, statelessness, or wide variation in Member State naturalization and denaturalization policies, these proposals are impracticable in the absence of international recognition of EU citizenship (which would normally require recognizing the EU as a state, which in turn should normally mean that the Member States cede competence over citizenship), challenge deeply rooted national stories of peoplehood with an emerging story of European peoplehood, and risk undermining fragile public support for EU rights.

Arianna Vedaschi, Chiara Graziani

Citizenship Revocation in Italy as a Counter-Terrorism Measure

A 2018 Italian Decree Law allows the revocation of citizenship based on a decision of the Minister of the Interior when a person has been convicted for terrorist offences. However, this provision specifically addresses immigrants and their children who became Italian citizens.

28 Januar 2019

Oliver Garner

On 15 January, the Commons rejected the Government’s Brexit deal. On Tuesday 29 January, the Commons will consider the Government’s response to this rejection. This will be in many respects an unusual constitutional event.

26 Januar 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Minister of Civil Resistance

On law, politics and a fellow named Herbert Kickl.

25 Januar 2019

Unlike other federations, where geography or administrative conveniences have been used to organize the federation, Ethiopia has opted to take ethnicity as the point of departure for the remaking of the Ethiopian map. In light of growing tensions, however, it is time to rethink this model of federal structure.

Jules Lepoutre

A Dysfunctional Eurozenship? The Question of Free Movement

A European citizenship model autonomous from Member States’ nationality cannot work within the context of free movement. Should we end the debate, then, and take Richard Bellamy’s side? Not necessarily. Dora Kostakopoulou’s Eurozenship can be both improved and approved, and below I offer a few options for doing it.

22 Januar 2019

Dora Kostakopoulou makes a spirited case for an autonomous status of European Union citizenship – one that is not related to the possession of citizenship of a Member State. However, while I sympathise with some of the concerns lying behind this proposal, I regard it as a misguided way of addressing them that is based in its turn on a misunderstanding of the nature of citizenship and of the EU and its achievements – albeit one shared by a number of the EU’s prime actors as well as certain of its foes.

Theodora Kostakopoulou

Who Should Be a Citizen of the Union? Toward an Autonomous European Union Citizenship

Refusing to believe that political constraints outweigh political possibilities in the present historical conjuncture, I argue that the time is ripe for the disentanglement of Eurozenship from Member State nationality. Since the mid-1990s I have defended this reform. But my argument for an autonomous Eurozenship in this debate unfolds in two steps which are presented in the subsequent two sections. In the first section, I explore the incremental disentanglement of EU citizenship from the nationality law of Member States, while in the second section I reconstruct Eurozenship, that is, I present the configuration of an autonomous EU citizenship law which can co-exist with EU citizenship cum Member State nationality.

12 Januar 2019

Maximilian Steinbeis

Piercing the Hull

On the rocking of boats, the weathering of storms and other matters of constitutional seafaring.

11 Januar 2019

Giacomo Delledonne

Rationalising political representation within the European Parliament: the Italian Constitutional Court rules on the threshold for the European elections

In December 2018, the Italian Constitutional Court found the national 4% threshold for elections to the European Parliament to be constitutional. Unlike the Bundesverfassungsgericht, which focused in-depth on the European state of affairs at a given stage, the Corte costituzionale has pointed to a gradual evolutionary development towards “a rationalisation of the representation of political forces within the European parliamentary assembly”. According to this interpretation, both the national parliaments and the European Parliament face similar challenges.

09 Januar 2019

Radosveta Vassileva

August 2018: Two reports make the rounds in Austrian media. One discusses data protection issues for persons on the so-called citizenship “Promi-Liste”. It tells a story of a Chinese investor, who offered a donation to a public university dean in exchange for assistance with receiving the Austrian citizenship. Meanwhile, another paper breaks the news with a related dicey topic: about 70 Austrians have received notice they are to lose their citizenship. The reason? They allegedly reacquired their native Turkish citizenship as evidenced by their alleged participation in a Turkish referendum.

Tom Gerald Daly

Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC): Fifth Monthly Bibliography Update-December 2018

DEM-DEC Launch Podcast The panel discussion to formally launch DEM-DEC [...]

13 Dezember 2018

Dieter Grimm

How can a democratic constitution survive an autocratic majority?

Can the democratic constitutions of Hungary and Poland survive an autocratic majority? Hardly. Hungary and Poland seem to be lost for liberal and democratic constitutionalism. At least for the time being, the next question is how democratic constitutionalism can prevent an autocratic majority. The task is to make it difficult for an autocratic parliamentary majority to capture the institutions of critique and control of government and to undermine separation of powers.

12 Dezember 2018

Jelena von Achenbach

No Case for Legal Interventionism: Defending Democracy Through Protecting Pluralism and Parliamentarism

Being a democrat means accepting that the law is not a very durable sword against authoritarianism. Democratic law bends and submits to the majority. When push comes to shove, it lacks the capacity to defy anti-democratic, authoritarian majorities. Of course, this does not mean that legal mechanisms and instruments are meaningless in this context. They can work against and impede the rise of anti-pluralist, illiberal and anti-democratic political movements. But it is important to acknowledge that legal interventions and prohibitive measures that target anti-liberal, anti-democratic political platforms also pose risks. They may undermine what they are supposed to protect: a free and egalitarian political process that is based on open political competition, pluralism and a free public discourse.

The Strange Case of the Publicity of the Brexit Legal Advice

One of the most remarkable episodes of the most remarkable Brexit saga is the strange case of the publicity of the Brexit legal advice. The actions of Theresa May’s government seem to aim at reducing both popular and democratic sovereignty to an empty shell before the incumbent Prime Minister and her cabinet are kicked out of power. However, the case of the publicity of legal advice is indeed strange not only on account of what has transpired on the British isles, but also of what has not happened on the continent.

11 Dezember 2018

Anuscheh Farahat, Teresa Violante

Combatting TINA-Rhetoric through Judicial Review: Dealing with Pay Cuts in Times of Financial Consolidation

Recently, the German Federal Constitutional Court has decided that certain cuts on wages for civil servants in the Land Baden-Württemberg are unconstitutional. The judgment establishes a constitutional answer to the so-called “there is no alternative” (TINA) rhetoric that has largely dominated the political discourse on budgetary consolidation in the past. From this perspective, this line of jurisprudence allows for opening up a political and constitutional discourse that has become somewhat colonized by purely economic and financial considerations.

Sujit Choudhry

Constitutional Resilience to Populism: Four Theses

Let us make a plea for modesty. Constitutional democrats need to be clear-eyed and realistic about what good constitutional design can do. We need to steer a middle course between constitutional idealism and nihilism. Constitutional idealists argue that thoughtful and intelligent constitutional design can largely eliminate the risk posed by populism; constitutional nihilists respond by arguing that there is little, if anything, that constitutional design can do in the face of the populist challenge that secures victory at the ballot box and captures the state from within.

“Constitutional Resilience – How Can a Democratic Constitution Survive an Autocratic Majority?”: Freedom of Speech, Media and Civil Society in Hungary and Poland

Freedom of speech, media freedom and the freedom of civil society are the lifeblood of democracy. As far as the threats to freedom of speech, media and civil society are concerned, from a normative perspective, the problems of Hungary and Poland are decidedly not external to western democracies. The question arises of how resilient constitutions are or can be made in this matter, whereby political viewpoint discrimination takes a center role in the conetxt of not only constitutional resilience but also our European values.

Susan Rose-Ackerman, Lena Riemer

The Census in the USA and Germany: It’s all about sampling

In Germany disputes over the 2011 census have finally come to an end in the “census judgment” by the Bundesverfassungsgericht. In the United States of America, in turn, disputes over the 2020 Census questionnaire are currently before the federal courts that raise related issues of the accuracy of the count. In contrast to the German Grundgesetz, the U.S. constitution requires a census every ten years to determine representation in the House of Representatives and the Electoral College. Accurate population data are the underlying goal of the Constitution’s decennial census requirement. We argue that in the twenty-first century accuracy requires modern statistical techniques, including sampling and adequate pre-testing of questions.

Next month, on 10 and 11 December 2018, the Intergovernmental Conference to Adopt the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration will be held in Marrakech, Morocco. The draft for the compact has been highly contested and many states have already announced they would not sign it. However, the compact has something to say about fundamental commitments of our societies, especially about human dignity.

Dana Schmalz

Will the ECtHR Shake up the European Asylum System?

Are European embassies abroad obliged to issue visa to particularly vulnerable asylum seekers under European human rights? This question is at the core of the case of Nahhas and Hadri v. Belgium currently pending before the Grand Chamber of the Strasbourg Court. Too accustomed have we often become to the limits of state obligations to note how they can make the promise of universal rights fade into hypocrisy. It is crucial that in light of concrete cases the drawing of boundaries is reconsidered – to ask what the law requires, and to render visible the responsibility we have to mitigate shortcomings of the law.

29 November 2018

Thorvaldur Gylfason

Iceland’s Ongoing Constitutional Fight

Six years ago, the reform of the Icelandic constitution drafted by a directly elected Constitutional Council and approved in a national referendum was shelved by Parliament. But the problems with democracy in Iceland which prompted the reform back in the day still exist: a lack of electoral equality, of fair access to natural resources, and of transparency.

28 November 2018

Cillian Bracken

Episode 5 of the Celmer Saga – The Irish High Court Holds Back

On 19 November 2018, Donnelly J gave her fifth judgment in the Celmer saga concluding that the real risk of a flagrant denial of justice has not been established by Mr Celmer and ordered that he be surrendered on foot of the European Arrest Warrants issued against him. Given that Donnelly J had initially found that there were ‘breaches of the common value of the rule of law’, this came as some surprise.

27 November 2018

Hans Michael Heinig

VB vom Blatt: Drei Überlegungen zum neuen Sitzungsturnus der Deutschen Islamkonferenz

Der Islam gehört zu Deutschland. Tut er das? Vor zwölf Jahren hat das Bundesinnenministerium die Deutsche Islamkonferenz ins Leben gerufen, um das Verhältnis von Staat und muslimischer Religion zu klären. Kritik, vor allem an der mangelnden Repräsentativität der vertretenen Islamfunktionäre, hat das Projekt von Beginn an begleitet. Jetzt beginnt die vierte Phase der Deutschen Islamkonferenz.

Pin Lean Lau

Affirmative Action in Malaysia: Constitutional Conflict with the ICERD?

Four days ago, Malaysia finally decided not to ratify the United Nations International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. This was preceded by massive protests against ratification. Why, one might ask? Is it really an unreasonable thing to hope for racial equality? An answer could lie in what Thomas Sowell once stated: “When people get used to preferential treatment, equal treatment seems like discrimination.”

24 November 2018

Maximilian Steinbeis

Law Rules!

On backpedalling Poles, diesel-guzzling Bavarians and other matters of constitutional pro- and regress.

Dmitry Kurnosov

All Bark and no Bite? A Domestic Perspective on a Possible Russian Withdrawal from the Council of Europe

The prospect of Russian withdrawal from the Council of Europe has been actively discussed during the past two months, including two excellent contributions on this blog. However, as often in cases of state backlash/pushback against international courts, the focus has mostly been on the external dimensions. States, though, are rarely ‘black boxes’, where different political actors have a uniform approach. Russia, despite its highly centralized appearance, is no exception. This post outlines the domestic state of play and contrasts the positions of interested parties.

22 November 2018

Her alleged red line of bringing “an end to the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice in Britain” was always going to be a problem for Theresa May: After all, the UK’s commitment to comply with certain EU rules would inevitably mean that the ECJ’s interpretations of these rules would have to be binding on the UK. It is thus no surprise that the Withdrawal Agreement provides for the jurisdiction of the ECJ in various places. What is perhaps more of a surprise – and surely a negotiation win for the UK – is the EU’s legally problematic concession of an arbitration mechanism to resolve inter-party disputes over the interpretation of the Withdrawal Agreement.

Kenneth Armstrong

Safety Net, Trap or Trampoline – Will the Backstop Lead to a No Deal Brexit?

Following yesterday’s announcement that the UK and the EU have agreed a revised text of the draft Withdrawal Agreement, the political fallout in the UK has begun with the UK Brexit Secretary Dominic Raab’s resignation from the Government. In his resignation letter, it is the so-called ‘backstop’ arrangements to avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland that appears to be the primary cause of discontent.

On past mistakes made and future mistakes to be avoided and other matters of constitutional penitence.

Jud Mathews

Birthright Citizenship and Presidential Power

The Halloween season is traditionally a time for scares and surprises in the United States. This year, President Trump got in on the act, floating a truly shocking idea on October 30. In an interview with Axios, the President declared that he intended to sign an executive order ending birthright citizenship in the United States. Before diving into the law, it is worth pausing to consider what a breathtaking idea it is that the President could unilaterally determine who counts as a citizen.

02 November 2018

Frederik Traut

With the Order against Poland to suspend its "judicial reform", the European Court of Justice has entered a terra incognita, forcing a sovereign Member State to choose between its membership to the club of European integration, or to walk away and follow the path of authoritarian illiberalism. To do this in an Order of interim measures, is quite a gamble on the part of the Luxembourg court. However, the stakes are so high that the Court was left with hardly any other choices.

Thomas Feltes

VB vom Blatt: Zehn Gedanken zum „Hooligan“-Urteil des EGMR

Präventiver Polizeigewahrsam gegen gewaltbereite Fußballfans verstößt nach einem Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) nicht gegen Menschenrechte. Gedanken von Thomas Feltes, Professor für Kriminologie und Polizeiwissenschaft, zu dem heutigen Grundsatzurteil.

Hans Hosten, Christian Kaufhold

New Cuban Constitution: Towards a System Without a Single Leader

Ten years after the retirement and subsequent death of Fidel Castro, Cuba is going through an extensive constitutional reform process to transform the political system. Whereas the previous system was designed to be headed by a single leader, the future constitutional setup will distribute power among several people.

Tarun Khaitan

Indian Democracy at a Crossroads

The Indian Supreme Court's ruling on LGBTQ rights signals a court willing to play an unabashedly partisan role in the ongoing battle over the idea of India. The Indian Supreme Court, however, remains a complicated, polyvocal, court, and cannot be attributed any coherent ideological or jurisprudential worldview. This, at a time when the defining role of inclusive pluralism to India’s constitutional identity is at stake and majoritarian nationalism is waging a spirited battle, not just for continued political relevance but for reshaping the very idea of India.

20 Oktober 2018

Maximilian Steinbeis

07 Oktober 2018

Tom Gerald Daly

With the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh, President Trump will shape the U.S. Supreme Court for decades. A comparison with the legal framework for the appointment of constitutional court judges in Germany shows the respective weaknesses of the US system in safeguarding judicial independence.

The Sixtieth Anniversary of the French Constitution: Toward the Death of the Fifth Republic?

The defining feature of the French constitution, which celebrates its 60. anniversary these days, is the extreme concentration of powers in the hands of the President. Will the debate which has been sparked by the powers of Emmanuel Macron lead to a Sixth Republic?

04 Oktober 2018

James E. Fowkes

Open Secrets, Private Freedoms – The South African Constitutional Court Legalizes Marijuana Use in Private

Two weeks ago, the South African Constitutional Court legalized marijuana use under certain circumstances. Apart from its immediate impact, this ruling may signal shifts in the Court’s institutional self-conception.

02 Oktober 2018

Executive and Legislative Organs of Hungary Disobey Court Rulings

Freedom of information is a heavily used tool of journalists and NGOs in Hungary, and a right protected by the courts and the Constitutional Court – but in some cases, even in very high profile cases, the process stops there. The judgement is not enforced, and the right to know remains theoretical and illusory, rather than practical or effective. Enforcement is increasingly eroded, which demonstrates the weakness of the Hungarian rule of law state.

29 September 2018

Anna von Notz

On last-minute delays for Poland, last-ditch attempts to fire Maaßen and other ways of overtaxing our constitutional patience.

Radosveta Vassileva

The Polish Judicial Council v The Bulgarian Judicial Council: Can You Spot the Difference?

On 17 September 2018, in Bucharest, the General Assembly of the European Network of Councils for the Judiciary (ENCJ) voted to suspend the membership of the Polish National Judicial Council (KRS) due to growing fears of lack of judicial independence in Poland. It was reported that 100 representatives voted for suspension, 6 were against (the Polish delegation), and 9 abstained. The Bulgarian delegation was among the abstainees, so Western commentators may wonder what the motivation for this position was.

18 September 2018

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov,

The Four Elements of the Autocrats’ Playbook

There is truth in the old maxim proclaiming the imperative to try to get to know your enemies well. We outline four key techniques deployed by the autocratic regimes in Poland and Hungary in order to consolidate the constitutional capture and massive assault on European values and take a look at some of the elements of each of the four.

Maria Tzanou

Big Brother Watch and others v. the United Kingdom: A Victory of Human Rights over Modern Digital Surveillance?

The European Court of Human Rights delivered its long-awaited judgment in Big Brother Watch and others v. the United Kingdom. While this landmark decision marks a victory for the fundamental rights to privacy and freedom of expression over surveillance, it is also a missed opportunity for the Strasbourg Court.

17 September 2018

Adeel Hussain

The presidents of Kosovo and Serbia have recently considered an exchange of territories (“land swap”) between their two countries which would lead to Serbia’s formal recognition of the independence of Kosovo. In view of legal and politcial hurdles, one can envisage at least three distinct scenarios of international response to a bilateral treaty between Serbia and Kosovo, concerning specific synchronized border changes.

Kahraman Altun,

WTO Option in Practice: How a No-Deal Brexit Would Seriously Damage Key UK Industries

Whilst a no-deal Brexit seemed unrealistic in the immediate aftermath of the UK’s referendum, it seems that now the UK is bracing itself for a Brexit without a withdrawal or transition agreement. What would that mean for the UK's trade relations with the EU and other countries and how would it affect some of the UK's key industries?

13 September 2018

Marco Goldoni

Toward Political Economic and Euro Governance? Assessing the Political Performance of Moscovici and Dombrovskis

The Juncker Commission began its mandate in the aftermath of a deep crisis affecting the Euro-zone. But was his political Commission able to open up economic and monetary policies to political accountability?

12 September 2018

Samuel W. Buell

Trump, Mueller, and the U.S. Constitution

A dominant story in American politics since early 2017 has been, of course, Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation of potentially criminal connections between Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and Russia. What does all of this have to do with the United States Constitution?

Kenneth Armstrong

DEM-DEC aims to provide useful information to academics and policymakers concerned with the creeping deterioration of democratic rule worldwide. Updates to the Bibliography will be issued on the first Monday of each month, based on new publications and suggestions from users of DEM-DEC.

03 September 2018

On 13 August 2018, Lyudmyla Kozlovska, an Ukrainian national and the President of the Open Dialog Foundation (ODF) in Poland, was detained at Brussels airport on the basis of a Polish entry ban reported into the Schengen Information System (SIS II). One day later, the Belgian border authorities deported her to Kiev, Ukraine. This case raises questions on the discretionary power of states to use the SIS II for entry bans on ‘unwanted migrants’ and the obligation of executing states, in this case Belgium, to check the legitimacy or proportionality of these other states decisions. Furthermore, this case illustrates the necessity of effective remedies against decisions reported in large-scale databases such as SIS.

Felix Lange

Fighting the Backlash – The South African High Court on the Suspension of the SADC Tribunal

Today, the South African Constitutional Court may have the last word on a case concerning South Africa's suspension of the Southern African Development Community Tribunal. On 1 March 2018, the South African High Court found that this foreign policy decision violated substantive human rights. Even though it is easy to criticize the judgment for its scarce reasoning, the decision entails intriguing ideas for building a more principled foreign relations law in the South African context.

Bilge Erson Asar

Prosecuting a Judge that Enjoys Diplomatic Immunity: the Case of Judge Aydın Sefa Akay

After the coup attempt on 15 July 2016, more than 80,000 people have been detained in Turkey. One of the most interesting incidents was undoubtedly the arrest of International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals’ (MICT) (former) Judge Aydın Sefa Akay. The main problem in this situation was whether Judge Akay enjoyed diplomatic immunity even from his own State’s jurisdiction. What happened with Judge Akay has manifested the deficiency of international rules regarding the immunity of international judges and, moreover, that said rules must be so articulated that they leave no room for similar incidents in the future.

29 August 2018

As many others in the European Union, the French government attempts to tackle the so-called “migrants crisis”. A new bill aims at reducing the length of asylum proceedings and fighting against irregular migration. Despite disagreements between the two chambers, the National Assembly has adopted the last version of the bill on August 1st. Left-wing Members of Parliament have brought an action before the Constitutional Council. The bill may not be enacted before the Council has given its decision, at the beginning of September. The text will no longer change, unless some provisions are deemed unconstitutional.

Elaine Fahey

Facebook’s Efforts to Squash Scrutiny of the EU-US Privacy Shield

Currently, Facebook is before the Supreme Court in Ireland asking to curtail judicial powers that allow courts to refer questions on the EU-US Privacy Shield Agreement to the CJEU. This is part of an ongoing litigation of Max Schrems, who was still an Austrian law student at the start of the litigation, against the Irish Data Protection Commission (DPC) in the jurisdiction of Ireland where Facebook currently holds its EU headquarters for tax and company law purposes. The litigation has the capacity to change the face of the transatlantic relationship, not least now, at a critical juncture of fragility and uncertainty and represents an extraordinary step.

15 August 2018

Yonatan Fessha

Secessionism, Federalism and Constitutionalism in Ethiopia

On the morning of 4 August 2018, troops were seen taking over key positions in Jijiga, a capital city of the State of Somali, one of the constituent units of the Ethiopian federation. Heavily armed military vehicles were stationed outside the state parliament, the offices of state government and the state TV station. It was not an invasion by a foreign force. It was a federal intervention.

08 August 2018

Robert Grzeszczak, Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski

On July 27th Bulgaria's Constitutional Court ruled that the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, contradicted Bulgaria’s Constitution. The decision may cause a stir among Western commentators not only because of its result, but also because of its peculiar legal arguments and untidy, repetitive narrative.

David Kosa?

The CJEU Has Spoken Out, But the Show Must Go On

In a nutshell, I argue that despite several conceptual problems in CJEU’s understanding of judicial independence, it showed a healthy dose of judicial statesmanship in Celmer. As neither the preliminary reference procedure nor the fundamental right to the fair trial are good “vehicles” for addressing the Polish structural judicial reforms, there is a limit what the CJEU could do. The foundations of judicial independence are political and thus the real constitutional moment will be the combo of the next Polish parliamentary and presidential elections.

31 Juli 2018

Alon Harel

Shifting towards a democratic-authoritarian state: Israel’s new Nation-State Law

The 'Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People' was passed by the Knesset on July 19, 2018. The Basic Law purports to entrench the identity of the state as a Jewish state. As this Article is being written several petitions against the Basic Law are being prepared and will be submitted to the Supreme Court. The Court however may find it very difficult to declare the Basic Law void.

30 Juli 2018

Agnieszka Fr?ckowiak-Adamska

Drawing Red Lines With No (Significant) Bite – Why an Individual Test Is Not Appropriate in the LM Case

It can be argued that the individual assessment required by the Aranyosi judgment is not the proper test in the LM case due to three reasons. Firstly, regular control reverses the logic of the mutual trust developed by the CJEU. Secondly, there is a substantial difference between fundamental rights and the independence of judiciary. Infringements of the latter require other legal mechanisms of protection. Thirdly, the Polish institutional changes affecting judicial independence may influence all 26 EU acts providing for mutual recognition of judgments. A broader perspective should be taken.

29 Juli 2018

Wouter van Ballegooij,

The CJEU in the Celmer case: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back for Upholding the Rule of Law Within the EU

Surrender cases are litmus tests for the EU’s approach towards the enforcement of the rule of law in the Member States. Without judicial independence and other elements of the rule of law concept, EU law will cease to be operational, whether in the context of the single market or outside of it. Aranyosi and LM are the beginning of a long journey. In a more general sense, these cases demonstrate that ultimately – as in all incomplete constitutional systems – it is the courts which play a crucial role in carving out and applying rule of law and fundamental rights exceptions.

28 Juli 2018

Kim Lane Scheppele

Rule of Law Retail and Rule of Law Wholesale: The ECJ’s (Alarming) “Celmer” Decision

A craving for the rule of law can be satisfied in two ways. You can invoke it legally through a case-by-case checking of its presence in any particular instance (though of course, retail assessment means you’re at the mercy of the court near you) or you can better guarantee a steady and plentiful delivery by contracting wholesale, thus providing a legal constraint on the supplier’s ability to deviate. This week’s decision of the European Court of Justice in the “Celmer” case (Case C-216/18 PPU, Minister for Justice and Equality v LM) tells us that the rule of law is now available retail in the European Union, but it is not now – and probably can never be – available wholesale.

Stanis?aw Biernat

How to Assess the Independence of Member State Courts?

Immediately after it was published, the judgment in Case C‑216/18 PPU Minister for Justice and Equality v. LM generated many varied assessments in Poland. Some commentators treated the judgment as a general vote of no confidence against the Polish judiciary whilst others (including the Minister of Justice) found it to be a defeat of the Irish court. The judgment is used as an argument in current political disputes. Leaving aside, however, the aforementioned determinants, it is to be concluded that because of its approach to certain significant issues, the judgment does not yield to an unequivocal interpretation, and its actual consequences are still hard to anticipate.

Individuals and Judges in Defense of the Rule of Law

In many ways, this case illustrates EU constitutionalism at its best: despite not being obliged to do so, the Irish judge made a request under Article 267 TFEU, bringing together concerns raised by the pending Article 7 TEU procedure and the more technical and narrow issue of fair trial under Article 47 EU Charter. While the ECJ follows the path opened in Aranyosi for assessing the ‘real risk of breach’ under Article 47 EU Charter, in interpreting that provision it manages to weave in the wider Article 7 TEU contextual concerns as well, thereby considerably strengthening the constitutional status of the right to a fair trial.

27 Juli 2018

Matteo Bonelli

The Deficiencies Judgment: Postponing the Constitutional Moment

Much was at stake in the LM / Deficiencies decision. The Court of Justice was called to strike a complex balance between different interests, a balance that was bound to be controversial. While the ruling was not the defining ‘constitutional moment’, this moment might be only postponed. The Court made it clear that ‘red lines’ already exist in European constitutional law, and that it is willing to operationalize them. Nonetheless, it should not be forgotten that the Court should not replace the ‘political game’ – a game that is clearly on.

Matej Avbelj

We Still Haven’t Found What We’re Looking For

The diagnosis is grim. So, the CJEU should have done something! If the political class is reluctant, the law in the hands of the CJEU must be put to play. The conventional narrative has it that this has always been the case. This was the gist of the hope laid in the anticipated LM case. The CJEU has not lived up to those high expectations. This is not a landmark ruling and neither will its impact be of seismic constitutional proportions. The reason for that is, as we shall see, not the reluctance of the CJEU to address the problem seriously, but a plain fact that the expectations have been simply too high. While this is, most likely, as good as it can judicially get, the LM decision has still not brought us what we have been looking for. Nevertheless, we might be at least an inch closer toward that goal.

These days mark the capture of the second-last central institution not yet fully under the control of the Polish Law and Justice party, namely, the Supreme Court (the last remaining one being the Ombudsman office). Having captured the Constitutional Tribunal, the National Council of Judiciary, electoral commissions, media regulation boards, prosecutorial offices and presidents of all local, regional and appellate courts, the illiberal revolution is eager to devour the highest court of the land.

Micha? Krajewski

The AG Opinion in the Celmer Case: Why the Test for the Appearance of Independence is Needed

In this post, I focus on what I believe is the most important question in the Celmer case: what kind of a test for the rule of law/fair trial, and with how many prongs? I argue that the rule of law/fair trial test that the Court should apply is the test for the appearance of independence, known from the practice of the ECtHR. I also argue that the Court should not leave the application of this test to the referring court but carry it out by itself.

04 Juli 2018

CETA’s Investment Court System and the Autonomy of EU Law: Insights from the Hearing in Opinion 1/17

On 26 June 2018, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) held its hearing in Opinion 1/17, which concerns the compatibility of CETA’s Investment Court System (ICS) with EU law. Due to the depth of the substantive issues covered and the length of hearing, this post only addresses the first of four questions posed to the ECJ by Belgium, which relates to the principle of autonomy. It is fair to say though that autonomy-related questions and arguments featured the hearing most prominently and may therefore be particularly contentious.

03 Juli 2018

Adeel Hussain

On the need to fight these people, and the need to fight these people. And the need to fight these people.

29 Juni 2018

Fidesz and Faith: Ethno-Nationalism in Hungary

“The protection of Hungary’s self-identity and its Christian culture is the duty of all state organizations” says one of the new provisions that were adopted on 20 June to change the country’s Fundamental Law of 2011. Besides its potential to limit fundamental rights, what are the possible consequences of this constitutional change, in legal, cultural and political terms?

28 Juni 2018

Jud Mathews

Is the U.S. President Above the Law?

On June 4, President Trump tweeted that the President has the absolute right to issue pardons, even to himself. The President’s claim came close on the heels of the New York Times’s publication of a letter two White House attorneys had sent months earlier to Robert Mueller, the Special Counsel appointed to investigate links between Trump’s election campaign and the Russian government. The lawyers argued that the President’s firing of FBI Director James Comey could not constitute obstruction of justice, because the President is the chief law enforcement officer of the nation, and can fire the FBI Director for any reason at all. Can it really be the case that the President of the United States is above the law?

27 Juni 2018

Bernard E. Harcourt, Dana Schmalz

The Phantom Insurrection: how Counter-Insurgency Theory Became a Paradigm of Governing

We are constantly struggling to make sense of the politics of our time, to understand what links various developments and phenomena that we witness. Bernard E. Harcourt has written a book that offers such an interpretation. In "The Counterrevolution" he explains how the massive collection of data and the increasing militarization of police go together, how the changes in military and foreign policy relate to domestic US politics since 9/11, and where to place President Trump in this picture. At the occasion of his visit in Berlin, Bernard Harcourt was willing to give this brief interview and speak about the theses of his book.

Ioannis Glinavos

In Praise of Limiting Democracy: a Defense of ISDS

With the UK Parliament debating CETA and the CJEU hearing arguments on the compatibility of EU law with the dispute resolution provisions, investor-state dispute resolution (ISDS) is very much in the news again. Many seem to be concerned about the integrity of the nation state, the ability of the people (within national boundaries) to order and determine their fates. Why should we not view ISDS as a threat to national wellbeing? The reason is that sometimes we need constraints on sovereign discretion.

25 Juni 2018

Tom Gerald Daly

Announcement: Launching New Online Democratic Decay Resource (DEM-DEC)

The incremental deterioration of democratic rule worldwide is one of the most pressing global challenges today, and public lawyers are indispensable to the search for greater understanding of this phenomenon, and to the search for potential solutions. This challenge is now the focus of one of the most rapidly expanding research areas in public law: every week more research appears and more events and projects are announced as scholars push to grasp the unfolding and intensifying rollback of democratic progress globally. Yet, much of this global effort is scattered as scholars are cut off from one another by research field boundaries, geographic boundaries, and network boundaries.

23 Juni 2018

Beginning today, the EU (Withdrawal) Bill (EUWB) will return to the UK House of Commons, where all 15 amendments made to the EUWB by the House of Lords will be debated over only two days. The EUWB is arguably one of the most contentious and complex pieces of legislation to be presented to the British Parliament in this century. The amendments are a response to the concerns regarding the broad discretion across an unknown expanse of law with an almost-unfettered use of legislative power by the executive.

11 Juni 2018

James C. Hathaway

On revenues and expenditures and other entries in the constitutional balance sheet.

, Wojciech Sadurski

Open Letter to Vice-President Frans Timmermans

If the law on the Polish Supreme Court enters into force in the beginning of July, as is currently planned, a large number of sitting judges of that Court will see their tenure unconstitutionally extinguished. In combination with an increase in the number of seats on the Supreme Court, this means that the newly politicized National Council of the Judiciary, elected by the governing party, will be in a position to appoint a majority of the judges on the Supreme Court. 23 legal and constitutional scholars have signed an open letter to urge the Vice President of the EU Commission to initiate an infringement procedure against Poland.

151

Elif Askin

Lithuania and Romania Complicit for Hosting CIA “Black Sites”

On 31 May 2018, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) confirmed in two simultaneously published judgments, Abu Zubaydah v. Lithuania and Al Nashiri v. Romania, that Lithuania and Romania were involved in the running of secret detention facilities of the CIA, so-called “black sites”, on their territories as well as their “complicity” in the execution of CIA’s secret extraordinary rendition programme for suspected terrorists.

08 Juni 2018

The Romanian Constitutional Court has backstabbed the Romanian President in his efforts to protect the independence of the chief anti-corruption prosecutor. On 30 May 2018, the Constitutional Court ordered the President to dismiss the chief anti-corruption prosecutor via presidential decree. Before, the President had refused the proposed dismissal by the Minister of Justice based on an Advisory Opinion of the Superior Council of Magistracy that stated that the reasons brought forward against the chief prosecutor were not substantiated enough to justify a dismissal.

Adriani Dori

Hic Rhodus, hic salta: The ECJ Hearing of the Landmark “Celmer” Case

The highly anticipated hearing in the Celmer case took place on 1 June 2018 before the Grand Chamber of the ECJ. The stakes are undoubtedly high. On the one hand, the efficiency of the European Arrest Warrant mechanism is clearly at risk — a risk which could lead to broader consequences for the whole architecture of mutual trust and recognition. On the other hand, the Celmer dispute goes to the heart of the problems surrounding the current Polish judicial reforms, and to the ensuing concerns about judicial independence. Taking into account the present negotiations between the Polish government and the Commission, Celmer is unquestionably both political and delicate in the extreme.

05 Juni 2018

Uladzislau Belavusau

The Federal Rainbow Dream: On Free Movement of Gay Spouses under EU Law

After a pretty disappointing and self-contradictory judgement on the wedding cakes delivered yesterday by the US Supreme Court, the CJEU came up today with the long-awaited decision in the Coman case – putting a thick full stop on a long debate about the interpretation of the term ‘spouses’ under the EU Free Movement Directive. In short, the Court held that the term does cover spouses of the same sex moving to an EU Member State where a gay marriage remains unrecognized. This simple YES is a huge step forward in federalizing the EU constitutional space in a time of multiple crises.

Chiara Amalfitano, Oreste Pollicino

The new Italian government is unlikely to find a majority in Parliament; it will probably be a short-term, neutral caretaker, until the new elections, which may take place as soon as next autumn. The impeachment procedure against the President – should it start at all – will end in nothing, although it might stir the electoral propaganda.

Massimo Fichera

Compliance with judicial decisions often poses challenges, all the more so when international courts such as the European Court of Human Rights are involved. How to react to a failure to abide by judgments of the ECHR has been a question for the Council of Europe for some time. But the suspicious background of a currently unfolding episode involving Azerbaijan may offer an unusually clear justification for a strong reaction even to a single case of non-compliance.

Ioannis Glinavos

Is Germany facing a tidal shift in police powers? Does the border between the prosecution of criminal offences and the prevention of looming dangers, which has so far been regarded as self-evident and constitutionally necessary, fall? Will people who are suspected of maybe committing crimes in the future only on the basis of statistical data or non-individualized investigative approaches be preventively restricted in their fundamental rights and even imprisoned in the long term? Is Germany on the way to comprehensive predictive policing, for which considerable risks of discrimination will be accepted? These questions arise from the critics of the draft act on police tasks, which the Bavarian state government intends to pass this week. Beside drones and online seizure one of the crucial investigative issues is the so called “DNA phenotyping”.

Alon Harel

On superstition, substitution and other super-duper matters constitutional.

11 Mai 2018

On the busting of myths, the rottenness of Denmark and other constitutionalist examples of not singing along

04 Mai 2018

On the cross, the kippah and other constitutional and unconstitutional uses of religious symbols to make refugees feel bad.

Teresa Violante

(Not) Striking Down Surrogate Motherhood in Portugal

Last Tuesday, the Portuguese Constitutional Court declared unconstitutional several provisions of the regime on surrogacy, as well as the prohibition to disclose the identity of gamete donors and surrogate mothers. The most striking aspect of this decision, however, is not what the PCC ruled unconstitutional but rather what it expressly accepted as being constitutionally valid. The clear messages sent by the PCC to the legislature show a careful self-repositioning of the Court in its role as a constitutional interpreter in a democracy.

26 April 2018

Something Rotten in the State of Denmark?

The final version of the Copenhagen Declaration has turned out to be a lot less dramatic than the original draft led many observers to believe. This leaves several questions of why. Why did Denmark, traditionally a frontrunner country, create a draft declaration so regressive it gave rise to harsh critiques from the Council of Europe Assembly, from academia and from civil society? Why was the Danish Minister of Justice glossing over the content of the declaration? Why has the Danish Institute of Human Rights been so relatively quiet throughout the whole debacle?

25 April 2018

Christian Djeffal

Harnessing Artificial Intelligence the European Way

Will 10 April 2018 be remembered by many as the day of Mark Zuckerberg’s testimony before the US Senate? The hearing was covered by the media in all aspects down to the tie he was wearing. But that was not the only important event taking place on that day, and maybe not even the most important one: I am talking about the Declaration on Cooperation in Artificial Intelligence, signed on the same day but hardly noticed. And yet its impact in the long term might exceed that of the current scandal about Facebook and Cambridge Analytica by far.

24 April 2018

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The Consensus Fights Back: European First Principles Against the Rule of Law Crisis (part 1)

The referral to the Court of Justice by the Irish judge that questions how the capture of the Polish judiciary affects her duties under the European Arrest Warrant regime has dramatically changed the landscape of the European rule of law crisis. We are witnessing a switch from the classic paradigm of EU law of «judges asking judges» (dialogue via preliminary rulings) to a more demanding « judges monitoring the judges ».

04 April 2018

Cheryl Saunders, Michael Henry Yusingco

Only a good Muslim makes a parliamentarian. That seems to be the line the Pakistani Supreme Court has taken in disqualifying the disgraced former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif as president of his own party and person entitled to nominate candidates for the upcoming Senate elections.

Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech

Is Article 7 Really the EU’s “Nuclear Option”?

Why have some EU officials called Article 7 the EU’s “nuclear option” – and is Article 7 really that powerful?

05 März 2018

On staying uncompromised, staying neutral and other matters of constitutional purity and putrification.

Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech

Should the EU Care About the Rule of Law at Member State Level?

What would happen to the principle of mutual trust? Take requests for extradition under the European Arrest Warrant: Member States would be required to send anyone on their territory (including their own nationals) to a non-rule-of-law abiding Member State.

02 März 2018

Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurent Pech

What is Rule of Law Backsliding?

The notion of backsliding implies that a country was once better, and then regressed. How does that happen? Turns out, it follows a well-organised script that can be summed up in 8 steps.

Joris Larik

A Line in the Sand: The ‘Strict Observance’ of International Law in the Western Sahara Case

When the EU makes international agreements and implements them, its scope is not only limited by the competence allocation and procedures in its own primary law but also by fundamental features of the international legal order. In the Western Sahara judgment, the CJEU has drawn lines in the sand not only geographically but also constitutionally.

Matthias Goldmann, Grygoriy Pustovit

Cryptocurrencies: A ‘Sandbox for Regulators’?

By thinking loudly about putting the regulation of cryptocurrencies on the agenda of the G20, governments seem to have managed to keep the Bitcoin bubble from inflating into a systemic risk, so far. In a tongue-in-cheek sense, this behavior of supervisory and regulatory authorities can be described as the distributed ledger technology of financial supervision. It is distributed because it does not have a clear center. The G20 seems to be the common reference point for many actors, but it does not speak itself. It is like a shared code.

On right and left and straight ahead and other matters of constitutional balance or polarization.

15 Februar 2018

Converging Human Rights and Economics?

The adequacy of pensions, equality, mitigating impact on the poor, and protecting vulnerable persons and groups currently seem to rank high on the agenda of both economists and human rights lawyers. If this is a sign of convergence between the two regimes, it would be more than welcome as that may be the only way of overcoming the hegemonic struggle over which vocabulary to frame the discussion in.

12 Februar 2018

Viktor Z. Kazai

The Emerging Trend of Parliamentary Performance: Freedom of Expression in the Hungarian National Assembly

Laurent Fabius, the former President of the French National Assembly, once called the parliament, rather poetically “a theatre of shadows”. It was a harsh criticism of the mostly formal and insignificant role of parliament in the legislative process under the excessive dominance of the Executive. A few years ago Hungarian opposition MPs decided to turn their own “theater” into something more meaningful, or at least more amusing. They have been using all kinds of creative techniques to express their opinion in the hemicycle. It seems, however, that the Speaker and the parliamentary majority do not really appreciate this new trend of performing arts for they constantly impose heavy penalties on the MPs. This practice is a reminder that the principle of parliamentary autonomy needs to be reconsidered in light of contemporary political realities.

10 Februar 2018

Maximilian Steinbeis

Thank God I am not like other People

On dimly lit butcher shops, federal feelings of being at home and other constitutional non-starters

09 Februar 2018

Alina Cherviatsova

Memory Wars: The Polish-Ukrainian Battle about History

Recent events show that the conflict between Ukraine and Poland over the interpretation of controversial historical events of World War II has reached a point to be classified as ‘memory war’. These political initiatives from the both sides have destroyed the first achievements of the Ukrainian-Polish dialogue on mutual repentance, forgiveness and commemoration of the innocent victims killed during the conflict in 1940s.

08 Februar 2018

Stefan Theil

On the eve of the Holocaust Remembrance Day on 27th of January, the Polish Sejm approved a law on the defamation of the Polish State and Nation, causing extremely harsh reactions from Israel, Holocaust survivors and international organizations. While the attempt to ban the use of the word "Polish concentration camp" seems fully justified, the scope of the law goes way beyond that and is a threat to the freedom of speech and academic research.

Qianfan Zhang, Maximilian Steinbeis

“Anticipating the Third Republic of China”

Qianfan Zhang, constitutional lawyer from Peking, came to Berlin to study German federalism – a model that might help to invigorate China’s 2000-year-old centralized system.

31 Januar 2018

Bianca Selejan-Gutan

Failing to Struggle or Struggling to Fail? On the New Judiciary Legislation Changes in Romania

Like never before in the last 28 years in Romania, huge protests have started against the ‘assault against the judicial independence’. Awareness has been raised as regards the importance of a truly independent judiciary and the disastrous effects of political corruption on the very existence of a liberal democracy.

29 Januar 2018

Drama or Serenity? Upcoming Judicial Appointments at the Slovak Constitutional Court

2018 is shaping up to be one of the most important years in the history of the Slovak Constitutional Court (SCC). Nine of the currently sitting 13 judges will see their non-renewable terms expire in February 2019. The new appointments have the potential to be shrouded in drama, as they will take place against the background of a constitutional and political power struggle over SCC appointments between the President and the government, as well as broader judicial malaise in the country.

27 Januar 2018

Tolga ?irin

Gay sex is still a criminal act according to the Indian Penal Act. In 2013, the Supreme Court had quashed a judgment by a Delhi Court to decriminalise consensual gay sex. Now, there are signs that the Supreme Court might reconsider.

22 Januar 2018

On inter-judicial romance, same-sex love in Romania and other heart-warming matters constitutional.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

Remembering as Pacting between Past, Present and Future

The past has not been spared from the “politics of resentment” engulfing Poland for the last two years. The peculiar (mis)understanding and political instrumentalization of history by Polish rulers provide an important cautionary tale against one-sided partisan historical debate as it impacts how we remember the past and see ourselves today.

12 Januar 2018

Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias followed up on this topic by mapping the landscape of various memory laws in the recent years and unfolding the ongoing challenges to fundamental rights, joined by Anna Wójcik with an exploration of how memory laws affect state security. With this contribution, I would like to discuss how the European Court of Human Rights has failed to offer redress to the families of the victims of the Katyń massacres seeking to receive information about their loved ones. I will compare the Polish case-study with the Spanish and South-American practice concerning the “right to the truth”, thus adding this concept to the array of topics discussed under the umbrella of “memory laws” and mnemonic constitutionalism.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Beware the Demogorgon

On mock realities, monsters and other contemporary phenomena of constitutionalism.

05 Januar 2018

Memory Laws and Security

04 Januar 2018

Aleksandra Gliszczy?ska

Law and Memory

Recently, Uladzislau Belavusau with his post about a de-communization law in Poland launched a joint ASSER-Verfassungsblog symposium on what he has coined "mnemonic constitutionalism". Drawing on his idea of mnemonic constitutionalism, I would like to join this discussion by mapping the general landscape of how memory laws have recently been manufacturing the socio-constitutional climate in various states.

03 Januar 2018

Maciej Taborowski

Ioannis Glinavos

What’s in a name? A Brexit we can all enjoy

Northern Ireland will have a ,hard Brexit' as any other part of the UK and, at the same time, be subject to a ,regulatory alignment' with the Republic of Ireland and, hence, the EU. Such is the elegance of this solution, that one might be tempted to mistake it for a genuine policy innovation. In fact, using a made up name for something that you are already doing and calling it ‘new’ has a long pedigree and has been used aplenty.

05 Dezember 2017

Marco Bassini, Oreste Pollicino

The constitutional assembly in Venezuela is a constituent assembly in name only: First, it does not seem to be a temporary body that aims at performing its tasks within a preassigned and limited time frame. Second, so far it appears as if it is not the Constituent Assembly´s primary goal to draft a new constitution. Rather, its actions and the conscious choice of the Federal Legislative Palace as a meeting place suggest that the aim of this “superpower” is to replace the opposing parliament and silence any dissent.

Hanna Buck

The five-year deadline of the TSCG, the so-called ,Fiscal Compact' from the days of the Euro crisis, will expire soon. Should the TSCG be incorporated into the EU law? Diane Fromage presents the argument for, Bruno de Witte those against such a step.

05 November 2017

Still not a Dictatorship: Spanish Law and Judiciary in Times of Constitutional Crisis

I write these lines after Carles Puigdemont, the deposed Catalan President, and part of his Government have fled to Brussels to evade Spanish justice, after eight ex-Consellers of the Government have been sent to pre-trial detention without bail, and after the appeal from the incarcerated presidents of two civil pro-independence associations ANC and Omnium to be released on conditional parole after 18 days of detention has been rejected. The scenario is terrible, also for those of us that believe that the only possible solution for this crisis is by political negotiation, and it could have been avoided. That being said – the assertion that Spain has turned into a repressive state or even a dictatorship is utterly groundless.

30 Oktober 2017

Kanstantsin Dzehtsiarou

Prisoner Voting and Power Struggle: a Never-Ending Story?

On 29 October 2017, it was announced that the UK authorities are planning to revoke the blanket ban on prisoner voting and allow those who are sentenced to under a year in prison to go home for a day and vote. This was done to ensure the compliance with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Hirst No 2 which was delivered in 2005. It took the UK government twelve years to come up with a proposal that would put English law in line with the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.

28 Oktober 2017

Maximilian Steinbeis

On rights and rightists and other matters of constitutional concern.

Sofia Francescutto, Mario Ricciardi

Playing the Referendum Game in Northern Italy

Three weeks after Catalonia, two of Italy’s wealthiest regions are going to the polls over similar issues related to autonomy. On Sunday, the northern regions of Lombardy and Veneto will vote on a one-question query on whether to demand greater autonomy from Rome. Despite their apparent simplicity, both questions are formulated in such a way as to be misleading. Few months before the national election, the referendum may be considered as a test for Northern League, or even a rehearsal in view of a political campaign based on the promise of a greater return on taxes.

20 Oktober 2017

Zoran Oklopcic

A Plea for Dialogue: An Open Letter on Catalonia from constitutional & international law scholars

The Center for Constitutional Transitions, in partnership with the Edinburgh Center for Constitutional Law, has released an open letter on the constitutional crisis in Catalonia, “A Call for Dialogue”.

16 Oktober 2017

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

The Polish Crisis as a European Crisis: A Letter to Mr Jean-Claude Juncker

Poland is facing a heavy constitutional crisis. Instead of another legal analysis, this is a letter to Jean-Claude Juncker to complain about European inaction about it. The comparison to Hungary makes clear that this is not a national, but indeed a European crisis.

14 Oktober 2017

Maximilian Steinbeis

On Catalonia and… No. It's basically all about Catalonia.

Nico Krisch

Transitioning from „resentment” as an emotion of rejection and critique of the unsatisfactory liberal status quo to the more formalised and institutionalised „politics of resentment” is crucial in our understanding of the ascent of illiberal narratives in Europe. It gives us a chance of harnessing resentment in more conceptual terms and schemes.

On Legal Aspects of the Independence Referendum of Iraqi Kurdistan

In the referendum held on 25 September 2017, the voters of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq (KRG) went to the polls to decide whether they wanted an independent state. In this independence referendum, the voters were asked the following question: “Do you want the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and Kurdistani territories that are outside KRI to become an independent state?” With a turnout around 72 %, more than 90% of the voters voted for independence. This note aims to provide a brief analysis on the legal nature of this referendum. For this purpose, I will first define the concept of the independence referendum in general and locate the Kurdish referendum within this concept. Then I will analyze the decision of the KRG to hold the independence referendum from both aspects of constitutional and international laws.

27 September 2017

There are both domestic and foreign concerns that Turkey is a theocracy in the making or some “attenuated” version thereof. While most of these concerns are full of extravagant exaggerations, often suggesting Iran as an example Turkey is allegedly headed towards, there is a certain element of truth embedded in these concerns.

23 September 2017

Maximilian Steinbeis

On Hungary, Catalonia and other domestic or international matters of discontent

Daniel Sarmiento

The EU and the Catalan Crisis

The events of the past week in Catalunya (and of the weeks that will follow) are very serious and worrying. Catalunya is a region of a Member State of the EU that has begun a unilateral process of independence, disregarding the Constitution, its Statute of Autonomy and the opposition of half of the Catalan population. It’s a remarkable challenge for Spanish democracy. It’s a challenge for the EU as well.

08 September 2017

, Barbara K?halmi

The Supreme Court of India has declared the Muslim practice of men divorcing their wife by repeating the word "talaq" three times unconstitutional.

Tobias Lock

With the latest draft laws about the judiciary, the Law and Justice party (PiS) has crossed yet another line. President Duda’s announcement of a veto appears on first sight to present an obstacle to PiS’ march towards completely unrestricted, unitary state power. In this post, I will examine first what effects the PiS drafts will have on the independence of the judiciary by the hands of PiS and then, whether or not President Duda’s so-called veto holds what it seems to promise.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

Farewell to the Separation of Powers – On the Judicial Purge and the Capture in the Heart of Europe

After the cautious and carefully prepared dismantling of the Polish Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court’s independence was now swept away in the twinkling of an eye. Late at night on Wednesday, July 12, 2017, a draft law virtually constituting an overnight demolition of the Supreme Court was proposed. This amendment heralds the death knell for the rule of law in Poland.

18 Juli 2017

Last November, the former presidents of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal issued a joint statement to protest against the subjugation of the Tribunal. Now, as the PiS government is about to effectively bring the entire judiciary under their control, they speak up again.

Vinzent Vogt

On 8 June 2017, Advocate General Eleanor Sharpston delivered her Opinion in a case that goes to the core of what (infamously) came to be known as ‘refugee crisis’. On a broader, more systemic, level, the Opinion could be read as a history of the present bringing to the fore issues of geographical hierarchies and injustice and solidarity inscribed into the structure of EU law.

Gerhard van der Schyff

N.W. Barber and A. Vermeule, in their seminal paper, differentiate between three types of cases in which the exceptional role of courts can come to light. I will be interested only in the third type of cases, which has been defined by Barber and Vermeule as follows: ‘There are some cases in which the health of the constitutional order requires the judge to act not merely beyond the law, as it were, but actually contrary to the law.’

Lech Morawski

A Critical Response

Let me begin by quoting Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, in which he stated that a “democratic government should be government of the people, by the people and for the people”. As you know the current government in Poland does not enjoy the support of the political and economic establishment or academic professors but it is supported by the majority of ordinary people.

Adam Czarnota

The Constitutional Tribunal

In the present constitutional crisis, my position is that we have to criticise the changes made by the ruling party to the Constitutional Tribunal but not because they undermine rule of law in Poland and are radical. In my opinion the changes are not radical at all. We do not see changes in the “grammar” of law but we observe changes of elites with preservation of the same institutional setting. Only the aesthetic dimension of exercise of power by the government has changed. The rhetoric indeed has rapidly changed but all mechanisms remain the same. In such a situation, the “self-defence” of the institutions including constitutional tribunal in Poland is a part of the political spectacle, part of the drama by which mobilised citizens are manipulated for political gain.

Marcin Matczak

The Supreme Court of India has to decide a case that has captured India’s political, constitutional and social imagination – a challenge to the constitutional validity of triple talaq, a practice that allows a Muslim man to divorce his wife unilaterally simply by uttering the word “talaq” thrice.

Ali Acar

The Constitutional Referendum in Turkey: A far Stretch from Right to Free Elections to Referenda?

The Constitutional referendum in Turkey left many voters uncertain about the actual outcome: Unstamped ballots were registered as valid and an appeal against that procedure did not show any satisfying results. Will an appeal in front of the ECtHR show more favourable results?

31 Mai 2017

Daniel Thym

Mixity after Opinion 2/15: Judicial Confusion over Shared Competences

In its momentous opinion about the Singapore free trade agreement, the ECJ seemed to have eliminated the option of ‘facultative’ EU-only agreements which do not embrace ISDS. It seems to me that this overlooks an important novelty of Opinion 2/15, which gave explicit judicial blessing to the option of ‘facultative’ EU-only agreements, although the Court hides the innovation behind an inconsistent use of the notion of ‘shared’ powers.

27 Mai 2017

Maximilian Steinbeis

This short presentation distils the conclusions of the panel regarding [...]

Cem Tecimer

Abusive comparativism: “Pseudo-comparativist” political discourse as a means to legitimizing constitutional change in Turkey

The constitutional amendment process has arguably weakened Turkey’s already-fragile constitutionalist system. This is well known. What is less known and pretty much overlooked is that comparativism and specifically comparative constitutionalism has suffered at the hands of Turkish political elites during the legal and political discussions that preceded the referendum.

Antje von Ungern-Sternberg

Suggesting Solutions: A European Way?

The conveners asked the third panel of the conference to [...]

Karin Oellers-Frahm

Suggesting Solutions: What about Concessions to be Made by Both Sides?

In the following I will briefly give you an overview [...]

Giovanni Boggero

Suggesting Solutions: Providing Compensation to the Victims as a Moral and Legal Duty

The first panel dealt intensively with the question as to [...]

13 Mai 2017

Marcin Matczak

Why the Announced Constitutional Referendum in Poland is not a Constitutional Referendum after all

The President of Poland has announced that a constitutional referendum will be held in 2018. This is surprising for at least two reasons.

Maximilian Steinbeis

LIVE: Remedies against Immunity

Maximilian Steinbeis

Because they say so!

On courts, dogmatists and other matters of constitutional contestation.

12 Mai 2017

Christian J. Tams

A clever and dangerous move – or: a Roman Court goes Lutheran

2 ½ years after it was rendered, Sentenza 238/14 of [...]

Riccardo Pavoni

After Sentenza 238: A Plea for Legal Peace

1. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS This post summarizes some of the key [...]

Alessandro Bufalini

Judgment 238/2014 and the importance of a constructive dialogue

I will focus here on two facets of Judgment 238/2014 [...]

11 Mai 2017

Heike Krieger

Italian Concerns after Sentenza 238/2014

Judicial practice may be a means to overcome the opposition [...]

Paolo Palchetti

Italian concerns after sentenza 238/2014: possible reactions, possible solutions

Introduction 1. International legal thinking has long been dominated by [...]

Andreas von Arnauld

Populist engagement with constitution-making and constitutional reform forms a distinctive, [...]

Diego Werneck Arguelhes

Judges Speaking for the People: Judicial Populism beyond Judicial Decisions

We typically think of courts as victims or targets of [...]

03 Mai 2017

Common criticisms of judicial activism stretch from the somewhat outdated [...]

29 April 2017

Much Ado About Nothing? Legal and Political Schooling for the Hungarian Government

After his infamous law against the Central European University, the EU Commission has announced a treaty infringement procedure against Hungary. That will probably be of limited help against the systemic threat to the rule of law in Viktor Orbán's state. Politically more effective might be the pressure exerted by the European People's Party.

Maximilian Steinbeis

“I did not come to in order to be loved [...]

Adeel Hussain

Pakistan’s Reluctant Constitutionalism

On 20 April 2017, the Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled in one of the greatest cases in its turbulent history: the impeachment of the prime minister for involvements in shady financial dealings that bubbled up after the Panama Papers. Nothing happened; the court only showed Nawaz Sharif the yellow card. But while Pakistan narrowly missed her constitutional moment by a single judge’s vote, the court’s ruling displayed tremendous democratic maturity.

26 April 2017

Rosalind Dixon

Populist Constitutionalism and the Democratic Minimum Core

Democratic “populism” is on the rise worldwide. In the last [...]

25 April 2017

Andrew Arato

Populism and the Courts

The antagonism of populist governments to apex courts is a [...]

24 April 2017

The Spanish Constitutional Court on the Path of Self-Destruction

Recently, the Spanish Constitutional Court has published one more decision in application of the new reform of the Law on Constitutional Court which increased its powers for the execution of its own decisions. It is clear that Catalonian sovereignist politicians are acting irresponsibly and provoking the Spanish powers. The only good way to answer to this challenge is a balanced and neutral response of the Constitutional Court every time they adopt an illegal act. Instead, the Court assumed a political role. He tries to stop even any talk about independence. By doing so, it fails to respect its own role as keeper of a Constitutional framework where very diverse ideologies can be discussed.

23 April 2017

Populist Constitutions – A Contradiction in Terms?

The meaning of “populism” is deeply contested. It is striking, [...]

22 April 2017

Maximilian Steinbeis

The Feedback Loop of Power

On Germans being German, ending the disgrace of child marriage and other scandalous matters constitutional.

Adeel Hussain

The British Prime Minister Theresa May has announced yesterday the intention to call a ‘snap’ general election to be held on the 8th of June 2017. This announcement, which has caught literally everyone off-guard, makes some strategic sense if read together with another contention stressed by Prime Minister May: that there is no turning back from Brexit. Which is untrue, both from the legal and political point of view. To put it shortly, the PM is lying.

Sabine Witting

‘Girls belong in school, and not in front of the altar’: Is the German Bill on child marriages violating international law?

As much as international law categorizes child marriage as harmful practice due to its potential wide ranging negative effects on education, health, increased risk of violence and sexually transmitted diseases, and poverty, the regulation of already existing marriages should not aim to be aligned with the age of marriage. Already existing child marriages have to be treated differently, as they already created a lived reality for the partners and cannot just be reversed, as this might end up in unwanted legal and practical consequences for the child. Therefore, with regards to already existing marriages, it is a misconception that the only possible way to end child marriage is to actually ‘end’ child marriage.

18 April 2017

Marie Gren

On 28 March 2017, the Grand Chamber of the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) decided in a preliminary ruling that the restrictive measures adopted by the Council against Russian undertakings, including oil company Rosneft, are valid. The judgment is of constitutional significance. It clarifies the scope of the CJEU’s jurisdiction with respect to acts adopted in the sphere of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In particular, it reveals that the EU system of judicial protection fully applies in relation to restrictive measures against natural and legal persons (so-called ‘targeted sanctions’).

05 April 2017

On Hungary's Soros obsession, diaspora voting rights and other reflexive matters constitutional.

31 März 2017

17 März 2017

Elke Cloots

Today, Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that she would ask the Scottish Parliament to allow her to agree with the UK Government on another independence referendum. The Scottish people should be given a right to decide – once the terms of Brexit are known – whether to stick with the UK and leave the EU or pursue the route of independence and stay within ‘Europe’. This blog post will briefly outline some of the legal obstacles on the way, both internal and external.

Democratizing the Euro Area without the European Parliament: Benoît Hamon’s “T-Dem”

On the 10th March, the official candidate of the Socialist Party for the French presidential elections, Benoît Hamon, outlined his programme for the European Union. This programme, whilst being against austerity and in favour of more flexibility as regards EU requirements in terms of public budgets and public debts, comes with a treaty proposal, the draft treaty on the democratization of the governance of the euro area (dubbed « T-Dem »). This treaty, which was prepared by the candidate together with the superstar economist Thomas Piketty (who has joined his team) is supposed to bring more democracy to the governance of the Euro area. However noble (and necessary) this ambitious idea might seem, the way this draft treaty has been engineered raises not only political but also legal questions.

The CJEU on Humanitarian Visa: Discovering ‘Un-Chartered’ Waters of EU Law

Limiting the scope of EU law vis-à-vis national legislative measures is one thing but creating un-Chartered territory in EU law is another. It is understandable why the Court would want to stay away from the currently toxic migration politics. But it is worrying that it is willing to further limit the scope of the Charter when it might be needed the most.

Stylianos-Ioannis G. Koutnatzis

State Reform in Greece: Legal and Practical Considerations

For the Greek drama to be resolved on a long-term basis, the shift from the exclusive focus on finances to institutional arrangements is long overdue. Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis convincingly set out the proposal’s significant advantages. At the same time, however, its implementation might raise a host of both legal and practical considerations.

12 März 2017

Sergio Dellavalle

Even though Greece avoided imminent collapse and civil unrest in 2015, the reform process has not reached the threshold of irreversibility. Response by Achilles Skordas to the suggestions made by v. Bogdandy and Ioannidis.

Formal and Informal Elements of Institution-Building. A Comment on Armin von Bogdandy and Michael Ioannidis

The fact that Greece seems to be in trouble again should be considered an opportunity! Response by András Jakab to v. Bogdandy/Ioannidis' suggestion to use the Greek diaspora as a tool for a new approach to institution building.

Armin von Bogdandy, Michael Ioannidis

New Forces for Greek State Reform

Current attempts to solve the crisis in Greece aim at economic solutions. With a new bailout programme being stalled and the next tranche once more postponed, the search is on for new solutions off the beaten paths.

08 März 2017

James E. Fowkes

Geert Wilders' Freedom Party stands a fair chance of becoming the largest party after the elections next week. His political programme is blurry at best, but parts of it - such as a ban of the Quran - are clearly unconstitutional. Will the constitutional system in the Netherlands be robust enough to withstand this challenge?

Marine Le Pen: a Constitutional Program Threatening the French Constitutional Regime

The recent publication of Marine Le Pen’s presidential program has been followed by many comments from the media, specialists and policy makers analysing her economic, social or security propositions. But one particular point has been missed: the different constitutional amendments she intends to achieve. With this constitutional program, her goal is to deeply reform the organization of the French state and its institutions. It is an unnamed constitutional revolution since Ms. Le Pen’s objective is to strike down French liberal democracy in order to in store an almost absolutist presidential regime.

28 Februar 2017

Nikos Skoutaris

After the main fundamental problems of the judiciary in Poland have been identified, the search for possible remedies is now on. Polish judges need to do some soul-searching and re-thinking of their role.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

In Judges We Trust? A long overdue Paradigm Shift within the Polish Judiciary (Part I)

The Polish Judiciary is under duress, no question. However, it is not only the pending Supreme Court decision that may determine their fate. Polish judges need a new approach to judicial interpretation and the role of judges as a whole.

19 Februar 2017

Merijn Chamon

The Proposed Amendment of the Comitology Regulation – A Constitutional Perspective

On Valentine’s day, the European Commission proposed “four targeted amendments” to the Comitology Regulation. In this blogpost it will be argued that while the proposal contains interesting elements, it is largely flawed from an institutional and constitutional point of view.

18 Februar 2017

Maria Weimer

Beim Gipfel von Malta will die EU in punkto Migrationspolitik Geschlossenheit demonstrieren - auch gegenüber US-Präsident Trump. Die USA schultern aber den Löwenanteil der Kosten für das UN-Flüchtlingshilfswerk und für das Resettlement von Flüchtlingen. Beides unterstreicht, dass es nicht ausreichend ist, die USA an den Pranger zu stellen. Europa als ein Verbund vieler der wohlhabendsten Staaten der Welt trifft eine moralische Pflicht, gerade in so einer Situation die Idee des Flüchtlingsschutzes als einer minimalen weltbürgerlichen Solidarität aufrechtzuerhalten. Aber auch schon die von Ratspräsident Tusk betonte „Wahrung des internationalen Rechts“ macht Europa Vorgaben, was die Grenzsicherung angeht.

Daniel Sarmiento

An Instruction Manual to Stop a Judicial Rebellion (before it is too late, of course)

2016 was not a good year for the EU. Among many other things, one of the EU’s proudest achievements, its judiciary, has shown the first signs of worrying instability: In Germany, Denmark and Italy, high-level courts have openly and harshly declared their dissatisfaction with rulings by the European Court of Justice. I would not say that these are nationalist overreactions. These are worrying (and I would add justified) signs of something going wrong.

What is the Situation of Constitutional Jurisdiction in Europe? Worrying News from Spain

This article will briefly recount a particularly agitated year for LGBT rights in Romania, marked by a highly contentious campaign to amend the constitutional definition of marriage through a referendum, as well as the first referral to the Court of Justice of the European Union by the Constitutional Court, in a freedom of movement case involving a married mixed nationality same-sex couple.

Thomas Voland

Sailing uncharted waters – for how long? On transitional post-Brexit trade arrangements

Given the short timeframe for negotiating an exit agreement, the UK and the EU-27 may not be able to agree on new terms for their future trade relations before the UK’s formal exit from the EU takes effect. Consequently, many experts are pushing for a transitional arrangement.

24 Januar 2017

Mark Dawson

In Greek criminal law, torture is defined primarily as the “planned” (μεθοδευμένη) infliction by a state official on a person of severe physical, and other similar forms of, pain. Under the established Greek case law and doctrine in order for the infliction of pain to be considered as “planned” it must be repeated and have a certain duration. This definition raises serious issues of compatibility with international human rights law.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Next Tuesday, the German Federal Constitutional Court will announce its decision on the federal states’ application seeking to ban the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). In times of a far-right surge all over Europe, the procedure offers ample opportunity to reflect on a constitutional democracy's right to take repressive measures against odious ideas.

Matej Avbelj

The Ljubljana Initiative for Re-Launching the European Integration

It is a sign of unconventional times when earnest people wish you a less exciting year 2017 compared to the one that has just, luckily, passed. Starting a new year, a less exciting one then, is an opportunity for reckoning about the past and for charting the plans for the future. For those who care about the project of European integration, these are no easy moments. By looking back we are reminded about the chain of crises that has been strangling the Union. By looking forward we cannot help ourselves but to wring hands at what is yet to follow. It is high time that this self-destructive European (indeed Western) narrative and, unfortunately, praxis were put to a halt. It is high time to present a positive alternative to the present status quo and to the populist decay. It is high time to re-launch the process of European integration.

12 Januar 2017

Anna Mrozek, Anna ?ledzi?ska-Simon

Constitutional Review as an Indispensable Element of the Rule of Law? Poland as the Divided State between Political and Legal Constitutionalism

The power of constitutional courts appears to be a political matter which depends on the political majority and public support notwithstanding their desirability in certain political contexts, in particular in countries with relatively young democratic traditions and authoritarian pasts. This might not be the best news for modern constitutionalism but one we need to be aware of, in particular in times of the recent re-rise of populist movements, illiberal disenchantment, and anti-establishment rhetoric – not only in Poland.

11 Januar 2017

Marcin Matczak

After the unconstitutional capture of the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland, ordinary courts will have to step in to provide constitutional review. Polish judges are faced with the most fundamental challenge since 1989. Are they ready to be constitutional judges in times of constitutional emergency?

Laurent Pech, Kim Lane Scheppele

Poland and the European Commission, Part I: A Dialogue of the Deaf?

On 21 December 2016, the European Commission adopted an additional Recommendation regarding the rule of law in Poland. Rather than starting the Article 7 sanctioning process, the Commission merely reiterated its old demands, added some new concerns and again held out the threat of Article 7 while apparently moving no closer to actually starting a sanctioning process. It is not that the Commission was unaware of what was happening in Poland. In December, the Commission stood by and watched the Polish government capture the Constitutional Tribunal. The new Recommendation indicates that the Commission simply chose not to act to head off the final stages of the Tribunal’s demise.

30 Dezember 2016

Turkey’s draft constitutional amendments: harking back to 1876?

In the last month of 2016, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the fourth biggest party, the National Movement Party (MHP) unveiled a controversial new draft constitution which aims at a total system change. Initially, the most striking changes include the strengthening of the presidency with several new powers and no accountability to the judiciary. Furthermore, the way is cleared for Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to rule the country until 2029, and who knows – maybe even longer.

Saskia Stucki

Toward Hominid and Other Humanoid Rights: Are We Witnessing a Legal Revolution?

On 3 November 2016, an Argentinian judge granted habeas corpus relief to Cecilia, a person held captive in a small cage. Nothing out of the ordinary – except for the fact that Cecilia is not a battered woman or abused girl, but a chimpanzee kept at Mendoza zoo. This 1 % genetic difference turns this into a landmark judgment of potentially revolutionary proportions. For the first time in legal history, a court explicitly declared an animal other than human a legal person who possesses inherent fundamental rights. This judgment marks a radical breach with the deeply entrenched legal tradition of categorizing animals as rightless things (the person’s antithesis), and demonstrates that the previously impenetrable legal wall between humans and animals can be surmounted. The question seems no longer if, but when.

22 Dezember 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Cleaning up after 2016

The end of this year of 2016 draws close, and relief about that fact, ill-founded as it may be, is palpable wherever I go. It has been a rough ride for constitutionalists, and we all deserve some days of rest and peace, if we can afford it. Therefore, I will spare you with seasonal reviews and reflections on these almost consistently dreadful twelve months past and highlight only one fact hopefully suitable to lift your spirits a bit: Since Brexit, support for European integration has jumped by 5 percent throughout the EU and by 7 percent in the UK.

Nikos Skoutaris

The ratification process of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement has been stalled following "No" victory in the Dutch referendum of 6 April 2016. Yesterday, the EU heads of states have adopted a decision addressing the Dutch concerns. The option which is currently on the table is by far the easiest to solve the ratification conundrum while responding to the arguments of the ‘no-camp’ in the referendum campaign. Any alternatives, such as the inclusion of formal reservations or a procedure leading to a Dutch withdrawal from the agreement, entail the risk of long-term legal uncertainty which would only be detrimental for the EU, the Netherlands and Ukraine.

Collective Expulsion and the Khlaifia Case: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back

The European Convention on Human Rights forbids member states to expulse foreign citizens collectively. Does this mean that they have to conduct individual interviews with refugees before they send them back? Last year, a chamber of the ECtHR, in a case concerning Tunisians landed in Lampedusa in 2011, had concluded that it does. Now, the Great Chamber has reviewed this decision, considerably narrowing the scope of the collective expulsion ban.

15 Dezember 2016

Marco Bassini, Oreste Pollicino

Nothing left to do but vote – The (almost) untold story of the Italian constitutional reform and the aftermath of the referendum

A cloud of uncertainty hovers over the future of Italian politics after the failure of the constitutional referendum. The degree of uncertainty is increased by the pending proceeding before the Constitutional Court where the electoral law adopted in 2015 (Italicum) has been challenged as unconstitutional.

14 Dezember 2016

Jan Willem van Rossem

The End of the Grand Coalition and the Significance of Stable Majorities in the European Parliament

A few years ago, the German Constitutional Court had to rule on the significance of stable majorities in the European Parliament. Such majorities were not terribly significant, was the conclusion reached by the Court – at least not important enough to justify a three percent threshold for elections to the EP, laid down in German federal law. Under the constitutional conditions of the moment, the Court explained, the formation of a stable majority was not needed in the EU ‘for electing and continuously supporting a government capable of acting’. These past few weeks, a crisis has been unfolding in Brussels and Strasbourg that may turn out to be an interesting test case for the German Court’s analysis.

12 Dezember 2016

Tobias Lock

Brexit and the Single Market: You say Article 50, we say Article 127?

Hard on the heels of the Article 50 case heard last week by the UK Supreme Court, comes the announcement of another challenge to the UK Government’s Brexit plans, this time based on Article 127 of the EEA agreement. Much like Article 50 TEU, that provision allows contracting parties to the EEA agreement to withdraw from it. The claimants in the Article 127 challenge contend that withdrawal from the EU under Article 50 will not lead to withdrawal from the EEA, given that with Article 127 the EEA agreement contains its own termination clause. Hence their argument goes that unless the Government also triggers Article 127, the UK will stay in the EEA even after Brexit; and that would mean that the UK would remain in the single market. Much like the Article 50 case, the impending court case therefore seeks a declaration by the High Court that the Government cannot trigger Article 127 without prior approval of Parliament. The claimants’ hope is that while Parliament may feel politically bound by the EU referendum result to allow the Government to leave the EU, it may not vote in favour of leaving the EEA, viz. the single market, as this was not a question on the ballot paper. It is the aim of this blogpost to identify the three main hurdles the claimants are likely to be facing and discuss whether these can be overcome.

10 Dezember 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Nikos Skoutaris

Scotland, Catalonia and the Constitutional Taboo of Secession

The UK constitution does not allow Scotland to unilaterally secede in the case of Brexit - in that respect its situation is not unlike Catalonia's. Given the political nature of the UK uncodified constitution, it is almost unthinkable that a similar judicialisation of politics will occur in the UK as it did in Spain. However, unless Westminster takes seriously into account the demands of the devolved administrations in the Brexit negotiations, there is a real danger that a serious constitutional stalemate will occur.

While EU scholarship still tends to narrate the Union’s history as one of successful adaptation, and the ‘euro crisis’ as something like a rite of passage, here is a book in a different mould. Singularities and turning-points are the blocks it builds with, and the present moment marks a conclusion.

21 November 2016

Ula? Karan

Mercan v. Turkey: Waiting for the Last Word of the Turkish Constitutional Court

For the time being, the fallout of the attempted coup d’ètat of July 15th 2016 in Turkey will not reach Strasbourg. Victims of alleged human rights violations first have to exhaust domestic remedies before they can apply to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). This is the result of Mercan v. Turkey, the first of more than 3000 applications regarding alleged violations after the attempted coup and the declaration of a state of emergency. The Strasbourg court views the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) not as per se incapable of adjudicating in these cases in an effective way. If the TCC can live up to these expectations remains to be seen.

19 November 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

The Lure of the New Normal

No-one can remain in a constant state of exception, that would be a contradiction in terms. Any emergency that goes on for too long becomes somewhat normal over time. If things refuse to get less terrifying, all we can do is raise our level of terrification, isn't it? Donald Trump will let a White Supremacists' media darling shape his political strategies – but hey: he deserves a chance, right? Austria is weeks away from falling into the hands of the far-right populists, with other European countries lining up behind it – but please, let's not overreact, maybe we are all just out of touch with what ordinary people think and feel?

15 November 2016

John Conelly, Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

Christmas, in certain circumstances, has its place in the Republic. Judges have agreed in a plenary session reviewing two different Court of Appeal cases (courtyard of Melun’s town hall and hall of the departmental council of Vendée) that a Christmas crib in a public building doesn’t a priori represent a threat to secularism. In fact, the installation is legal, says the Conseil d’Etat, provided that particular circumstances give it « a cultural, artistic or festive character ». The decision is questionable for two main reasons: its foundation is doubtful, and its outcome unsatisfactory.

National Constitutional Identity in the European Constitutional Project: A Recipe for Exposing Cover Ups and Masquerades

On November 8, 2016 the Hungarian Parliament did not adopt the Seventh Amendment of the Fundamental Law seeking to protect Hungarian constitutional identity in the face of European imposition. The Seventh Amendment was meant to cover up the minor scratch on the Government’s pride caused by lack of popular support for its relentless fight against the EU. Although the Amendment did not pass, supporters of European constitutional projects cannot afford to sit back and relax.

The Sleep of Reason Produces Monsters

Part of the malaise surrounding our contemporary world is a tendency to view constitutional politics, to borrow Goethe’s metaphor, as architecture rather than music; as fixed and immutable rather than a dynamic phenomenon which requires the ongoing assertion and reassertion of the key values and terms of engagement of our mutual interaction with each other and with authority. Six practical suggestions how to defend our constitutional values.

Matej Avbelj

High time for popular constitutionalism!

Not long ago the advent of illiberal democracy has been announced. It has been mocked, downplayed, but also seriously critically engaged with, including by the authors of this blog. However, since the idea has come from marginal countries in the European East, from Hungary, Poland, but also Slovenia and the likes, it has not been really perceived as an objective threat to the Western constitutional order. The election of Donald Trump, not for who he is, but what he has been standing for, must change this.

08 November 2016

Daniel Sarmiento

Article 50 TEU says that member states decide to withdraw from the Union "according to their own constitutional requirements". It is for the Luxembourg Court to clarify what this means. Thus, in the current case on Brexit the UK Supreme Court is obliged to refer to the European Court of Justice. One could argue that this should never have been made a Union problem. But it was, and, like it or not, that makes it the Court of Justice’s problem too.

Ioanna Tourkochoriti

"Enemies of the People": that is, according to the Daily Mail, what the High Court judges are. Joseph Stalin would have been wildly amused by this way of putting things… Leaving aside such 30s reminiscences, it seems to me too simple to reduce this phenomenon solely to the disgracefulness of the British boulevard press and Tory backbenchers. There is something more fundamental going on. Not only in the United Kingdom. But in the entire Western democratic constitutional space.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Feinde des Volkes?

"Enemies of the People": So titelt die Daily Mail als Reaktion auf das gestrige Brexit-Urteil des High Court. An dieser Diktion hätte Josef Stalin seine helle Freude gehabt. Aber jenseits solcher 30er-Jahre-Reminiszenzen scheint es mir zu kurz gesprungen, dieses Phänomen allein auf die Verkommenheit der britischen Boulevardpresse und der snotty Tory-Elite zu reduzieren. Da geht etwas Grundlegenderes vor. Und zwar nicht allein im Vereinigten Königreich. Sondern im gesamten westlichen demokratisch-rechtsstaatlichen Verfassungsraum.

03 November 2016

Tobias Lock

The High Court’s Judgment in Miller and Others – four brief remarks

Today’s decision by the High Court of England and Wales that the UK Government did not have the power under the Royal Prerogative to initiate the process of withdrawing from the EU laid down in Article 50 TEU came as a surprise to many. Four brief remarks on what the decision might entail politically.

Jo Eric Khushal Murkens

The High Court’s Brexit Decision: A Lesson in Constitutional Law for the UK Government

In today's Brexit decision, the High Court has delivered a tutorial on the UK constitution, exemplary in its clarity and reasoning. Its key finding: the government cannot take away rights that citizens enjoy in the EU and would be lost on withdrawal without involving Parliament. In failing to understand the constitution of its own country, the government was taught an embarrassing lesson today.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Rindfleisch in Karlsruhe: Was er kriminalisieren will, muss uns der Staat schon sagen

Wer Rindfleisch falsch etikettiert, macht sich strafbar - eigentlich einfach, aber vom Gesetzgeber derart obskur konstruiert, dass das BVerfG jetzt einen Verstoß gegen das Bestimmtheitsgebot festgestellt hat. Zu der Frage, ob die Ultima Ratio Strafrecht überhaupt das richtige Mittel ist, um Rindfleischetikettierung zu regulieren, schweigt das Gericht dagegen.

Sanford V. Levinson, Maximilian Steinbeis

Island hat gewählt. Und anders als vorausgesagt haben die Piraten mit ihrem Versprechen, die so genannte "Crowdsourcing"-Verfassung von 2011 umzusetzen, nur den dritten Platz errungen. Ist es an der Zeit, sich von den direktdemokratischen Erlösungserwartungen, die sich an das isländische Verfassungsexperiment knüpfen, zu verabschieden? Oder ist die Lektion, die in diesem Experiment steckt, in Wahrheit eine ganz andere?

26 Oktober 2016

French Constitutional Council Strikes Down “Blank Check” Provision in the 2015 Intelligence Act

Can intelligence agencies and their practice of secret state surveillance be reconciled with the rule of law? Is the unprecedented global debate on surveillance opened by the Snowden disclosures in 2013 bringing intelligence work closer to democratic standards? Last week, the French Constitutional Council indirectly dealt with these pressing questions by striking down a blank-check provision in the 2015 Intelligence Act, excluding “measures taken by public authorities to ensure, for the sole purpose of defending national interests, the surveillance and the control of Hertzian transmissions" from safeguards like the authorisation of the Prime Minister and the ex-ante opinion of an oversight commission.

24 Oktober 2016

Franz C. Mayer

In ten days, the deadline set by the EU Commission to Poland in the current stand-off about the Polish constitutional crisis will expire. A lot is at stake for both sides. In Warsaw few expect that the Commission will still be able to keep the ruling party from having it their way.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Hat die EU das Kräftemessen mit Polen bereits verloren?

Zehn Tage. So lange hat Polens Regierungspartei mit dem schönen Namen "Recht und Gerechtigkeit" (PiS) noch Zeit, den Konflikt mit der EU-Kommission um das polnische Verfassungsgericht beizulegen. Für beide Seiten steht enorm viel auf dem Spiel. Doch in Warschau rechnet kaum jemand damit, dass die EU die Entmachtung des Verfassungsgerichts noch stoppen kann. Eine Recherche.

14 Oktober 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Katja Kippings “Klassenjustiz”-Tweet, oder das Verfassungsgericht als politischer Feind

Die Parteivorsitzende der Linken Katja Kipping hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht nach dem CETA-Beschluss als "Handlanger der großen Koalition" bezeichnet. Was passiert, wenn das Verfassungsgericht als politischer Feind gebrandmarkt wird, kann man zurzeit in Polen und Österreich studieren.

11 Oktober 2016

Waldemar ?urek

“The National Council of the Judiciary is under attack in different ways”

While the crisis about the Polish Constitutional Tribunal remains unresolved, ordinary judges in Poland and the constitutional body responsible to safeguard their independence increasingly find themselves in the crosshairs of the vindictive governing party PiS as well. An interview with Waldemar Żurek, spokesman of the National Council of the Judiciary of Poland.

07 Oktober 2016

Damjan Kukovec

Brexit – a Tragic Continuity of Europe’s Daily Operation

The British vote to leave the European Union came as a surprise and a shock. It has been understood as an aberration, as a triumph of populism and nationalism, in conflict with the ethos of the Union. But Brexit should not be understood as a mere aberration, but instead as one position on continuum of exhausted thinking about EU and (transnational) law in general.

06 Oktober 2016

Elke Cloots

Von seinem Volk will Viktor Orbán wissen, ob sie die EU-Flüchtlingsquoten gut finden. Das sieht demokratisch aus, ist in Wahrheit aber genau das Gegenteil.

Cormac Mac Amhlaigh

Triggering Art. 50 TEU: Interpreting the UK’s ‘own constitutional requirements’

Can the British government initiate the process of leaving the European Union without consulting Parliament? On September 28th the government released its legal position that the only constitutional way to give effect to the Brexit referendum result is through the exercise of the executive power. Some of the government's arguments appear to be on shaky grounds. The mere fact that the process has been caught up in legal wrangling before it has even begun shows that there is still a long, long road ahead before any sense of stability will return to British (constitutional) politics as well as the relationship between the UK and the EU in whatever form that may eventually take.

22 September 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Gemeindemitglied wider Willen: Leipzig beugt sich Karlsruhe und zeigt in Richtung Straßburg

In Deutschland kann man in eine Religionsgemeinschaft eingemeindet werden, der man niemals beitreten wollte. Glaubensfreiheit hin oder her – das geht. So heute das Bundesverwaltungsgericht in einem Urteil, das einen der sonderbarsten religionsverfassungsrechtlichen Streitigkeiten seit langem vorläufig beendet und gleichzeitig die Treue zum Bundesverfassungsgericht vor die eigenen Überzeugungen zur Auslegung der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention stellt.

21 September 2016

Paul Dermine

11 August 2016

Marco Goldoni

Refugee migration has always been a phenomenon for many countries in the modern age and Turkey is no exception. Since the 20th Century Turkey hosted hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers and refugees from different countries.

Aidan O'Neill

BrEXIT AND BreUK-UP

How to balance the aim of the UK to leave the European Union with the complex independence and border issues this would cause in Scotland and Northern Ireland? One possible scenario could be for Scotland to broker a five-year EFTA-EEA "naughty step" membership for the United Kingdom, at the end of which Scotland could itself become an independent EFTA-EEA member state and thus be well positioned to re-enter the European Union.

25 Juli 2016

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

Statutory tinkering: on the Senate’s changes to the Law on the Polish Constitutional Tribunal

The infamous law on the Polish Constitutional Tribunal of July 7th has met with an outcry of criticism among constitutional scholars. Last week, the upper chamber of the Polish Parliament, the Senate, has introduced a number of changes to meet some of the concerns. On the whole the effort amounts to little more than statutory tinkering, though. The effect, the emasculation of constitutional control in Poland, remains unchanged.

22 Juli 2016

Cormac Mac Amhlaigh

10 (pro-EU) reasons to be cheerful after Brexit

As the dust continues to swirl around the momentous Brexit referendum result a month ago (and doesn’t show any signs of settling anytime soon) I suspect many EU sympathisers will be somewhere in the middle of the various stages of the Kübler-Ross Grief cycle: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, acceptance. So, somewhat incongruosly, are the ‘leavers’. Whereas there are almost as many emotions being experienced on all sides as there are potential options on what will happen next both in terms of the UK’s future relationship with the EU as well as the future of the EU itself, in this post I want to set out a number of (pro-EU) reasons – some obvious, some optimistic, others wildly speculative – to be cheerful amidst the uncertainty created by the Brexit vote.

20 Juli 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Crackdown in der Türkei: einige Gedanken zur Ausreisefreiheit

Die türkische Regierung will nach dem gescheiterten Putsch sämtliche Hochschulangestellte des Landes daran hindern, ins Ausland zu reisen. Der Vorgang lenkt den Blick auf ein Recht, mit dem es gerade aus deutscher Perspektive eine ganz besondere Bewandtnis hat: das Recht auf Ausreisefreiheit.

Andrew Murray

AG Saugmandsgaard Øe on Mass Data Retention: No Clear Victory for Privacy Rights

The opinion of the CJEU Attorney General on mass data retention has been long awaited by anyone interested in privacy rights, and more generally the relationship between states and their citizens during this period of an extended “war on terror”. While some civil rights groups have already claimed victory, on closer look the opinion of the AG is not an unmitigated success for privacy activists: It gives considerable discretion to member states to enact data retention provisions providing they meet the Digital Rights Ireland standard.

19 Juli 2016

Die Frist zur Umsetzung des Urteils zur Erbschaftsteuer ist ergebnislos verstrichen. Jetzt will Karlsruhe die Sache offenbar selber in die Hand nehmen. Die Rechtsgrundlagen dafür sind mehr als dünn.

Mark Dawson, Daniel Augenstein

After Brexit: Time for a further Decoupling of European and National Citizenship?

According to the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, the issue of Scotland’s EU membership after Brexit is ‘a matter for the UK’. That statement is simply false: the future EU citizenship of UK nationals is not a domestic matter but an issue – perhaps the issue – for the Union as a whole to determine.

13 Juli 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

On this day last year, Greeks woke up facing a referendum result that very few had expected. Almost a year later, on the 24th of June 2016, British and other Europeans woke up overwhelmingly surprised by the ‘Leave’ vote. Despite their significant differences, the Greek and the British referenda have some important things in common. Reading them together might have something to teach us about referenda on the EU—especially now that more people seem to be asking for one in their own country.

Donal Coffey

Brexit and Art. 50: the Key lies in Luxembourg

A large British law firm has announced legal steps to ensure that the Art. 50 TEU procedure leading to EUV will be triggered by the British parliament. This might lead to a referral to the European Court of Justice.

05 Juli 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Der österreichische Verfassungsgerichtshof hat keine Anzeichen für eine Manipulation der Stichwahl zum Bundespräsidentenamt gefunden, wohl aber die durch Schlamperei bedingte, weit verbreitete hypothetische Möglichkeit dazu. Dass er die Wahl von Alexander van der Bellen annulliert und die Wiederholung der Wahl anordnet, ist eine am Ende nicht nur rechtlich, sondern auch politisch gute Entscheidung.

Tobias Lock

A Lame Duck for a Member State? Thoughts on the UK’s Position in the EU after the Brexit Vote

Despite the fact that nothing has technically speaking happened in legal terms, the UK’s journey out of the European Union has already commenced and is starting to have tangible legal consequences.

30 Juni 2016

Antonia Baraggia

Conditionality through the lens of the CJEU: a “blurry” view

From the very beginning of the Eurozone crisis, conditionality progressively entered into the vocabulary and the normative sphere of the EU economic governance. At the time of the first assistance package to Greece, conditionality was just an emergency tool set in the bilateral Loan Agreements, signed by Greece and other Members States. However, after the establishment of emergency funds like the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM) and the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), and especially after the creation of a permanent institution, a sort of “European mirror image of the IMF” – the ESM – conditionality has become a sort of leitmotiv of the European response to the economic crisis or, even, a necessary requirement according to the ECJ.

Viorica Vita

In the shadow of sovereign debt conditionality: the rise of spending conditionality in the EU

For the last seven years, sovereign debt conditionality dominated the European public discourse. Courts called to adjudicate heavy conditions impeaching on constitutional core of EU nations. National parliaments vocally debating the democratic legitimacy of austerity measures. Executives busy implementing generous reform packages. Scholars actively commenting on the constitutional implications of crisis-driven conditionalities.

Rather than arguing over when and how Article 50 TEU might be activated and by whom, or whether the two year clock ticking for exit can be stopped once started, we need as responsible citizens in a democracy to face up in good faith to what many of us regard as an appalling result, and coalesce around pressing for the quickest possible conclusion of the least worst option which still respects the actual referendum result.

Bartosz Marciniak

Chronos and Kairos of Constitutionalism – The Polish case

Τοῖς πᾶσι χρόνος καὶ καιρὸς τῷ παντὶ πράγματι ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν. This Septuagint translation of a verse from the book of Ecclesiastes points to a fundamental distinction regarding the transience – the distinction between chronos (time) and kairos (a right moment). Time is everlasting and consists of singular kairoi. Kairos, being its constitutive part, should not defy the structure of time. This distinction bares on the way in which we should understand any change of a constitution that claims to belong to free and equal citizens.

Maksim Karliuk

The fact that Scotland voted with 62% for the UK to remain a member of the EU whereas the majority of the overall UK electorate opted to leave the EU, raises important political and legal questions. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has announced that a second referendum on Scottish independence is on the table. What are the options for a continued EU membership of an independent Scotland?

Laurent Pech, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to LAURENT PECH

Middlesex Law Professor Laurent Pech on the limits if not perils of direct democracy when citizens to are asked to decide complex policy choices in the absence of a clear understanding of the available options and potential consequences of their vote.

25 Juni 2016

Ntina Tzouvala, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to NTINA TZOUVALA

Young international law scholar Ntina Tzouvala on the difference between the "will of the people" and a manouevre of the political elite, and on the danger for Europe to carry around a constitutional corpse.

Kenneth Armstrong, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to KENNETH ARMSTRONG

... and five very succinct answers by Cambridge EU law professor Kenneth Armstrong,

24 Juni 2016

Jo Shaw, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to JO SHAW

Edinburgh EU citizenship law expert Jo Shaw's answers to my set of questions on the occasion of the Brexit referendum.

, Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Questions on Brexit to GERTRUDE LÜBBE-WOLFF

Former Constitutional Court Judge Gertrude Lübbe-Wolff on why she deeply regrets to see the British go, on the reversibility of the Brexit decision, and on an independent Scotland's prospects to continued EU membership.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Nach dem Brexit-Referendum: ein Fast Track zur deutschen Staatsbürgerschaft für bedrohte Unionsbürger!

Viele Britinnen und Briten verzweifeln regelrecht angesichts der Aussicht, ihren "grundlegenden Status" (EuGH) als Unionsbürger ohne ihr Zutun und Verschulden einbüßen zu müssen. Da die Unionsbürgerschaft an die Staatsangehörigkeit in einem EU-Mitgliedsstaat geknüpft ist, wäre es ein starkes Zeichen für die europäische Integration, für Mit-Unionsbürger, die vom Verlust dieses Status akut bedroht sind, einen eigens auf sie zugeschnittenen Tatbestand in § 10 StAG zu schaffen.

Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov

Brexit and the Argentinisation of British citizenship: Taking care not to overstay your 90 days in Rome, Amsterdam or Paris

What are the likely consequences of Brexit for the status and rights of British citizenship? Is it possible to mitigate the overwhelming negative consequences of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU on the plane of the rights enjoyed by the citizens of the UK? The Brexit referendum result will most likely mark one of the most radical losses in the value of a particular nationality in recent history.

22 Juni 2016

Enrico Peuker

The EU constitutionalism has been transformed. For the worse. The causes for that are well known. They are the sum of consecutive, unresolved financial, economic, political, humanitarian and security crises. This post is not interested into causal relationship between the crises. It centers instead on their aggregate negative outcome and the possible way ahead. It asks what exactly the EU constitutionalism, as a dominant narrative of European integration, has (d)evolved into and what can be done to fix its fissures?

21 Juni 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Staunenswertes aus Karlsruhe: zum OMT-Urteil des BVerfG

Über die heutige Entscheidung aus Karlsruhe zur Geld- bzw. Wirtschaftspolitik der EZB und das darin zur Vollendung gelangte "Grundrecht auf Demokratie".

Ruvi Ziegler

Maximilian Steinbeis

ICON*S 2016 Conference: The “Public Law Scholarship – Publishing as and for Others” Panel

Maximilian Steinbeis

ICON*S 2016 Conference, Session 2: “Inequalities” with SUSANNE BAER, CATHARINE MACKINNON and PRATAP BHANU MEHTA

17 Juni 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Referendums are supposed to provide decisive interventions in the affairs of state. Yet the referendum theory is in fact deeply flawed. European ‘membership’ for a country of Britain’s size, influence and location should be less a matter of ‘yes or no’ than one of ‘more or less’. The reduction of a complex and graduated choice to a basic dichotomy simply does not reflect the position or serve the interests of the vast majority who will be affected by the outcome. What is more, and worse, the crude logic of either-or plebiscitary politics threatens to become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

13 Juni 2016

Aidan O'Neill

A Tale of Two Exits: Scotland and Brexit

The EU referendum has become is a form of displacement activity, a chance for the English voters to affirm their Englishness. If England votes for Brexit and Scotland to stay in the EU, the question will be whether the other EU Member States would accept Scotland – perhaps in a confederation with Northern Ireland – as a new or continuing EU Member State or even as the continuing UK.

Ich war in Dresden und habe bei der dortigen FDP einen Vortrag zum Jahrestag der Verfassungsgebung in der Bundesrepublik gehalten.

151

19 Mai 2016

Ali Acar

“De-constitutionalism” in Turkey?

Can “de-” be a modifier to describe the constitutionalism in a country? "De-constitutionalism" is what Prof. Kemal Gözler, a constitutional law scholar, has termed the current state of constitutionalism in Turkey. His argument is that constitutional bad faith practices employed by the constitutional institutions (mainly the executive, but also the judiciary) lead one to hold the view that there is no more a (valid) constitution in Turkey. Whatever it is termed, one thing is certain: that Turkey is undergoing a constitutional deadlock or crisis, and its indicators can be observed on many occasions.

17 Mai 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Neues aus Dresden: Knebel für NPD-kritischen Wissenschaftler

Der NPD ist es gelungen, beim Landgericht Dresden einem der Sachverständigen aus dem Verbotsverfahren vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht den Mund verbieten zu lassen. Der Richter, der die einstweilige Verfügung erlassen hat, ist aktives Mitglied der AfD.

101

11 Mai 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Wogegen ich bin, wenn ich gegen die Neuen Rechten bin

Am Sonntag in einer Woche werden die Österreicher entscheiden, ob der FPÖ-Politiker Norbert Hofer ihr Staatsoberhaupt wird oder der Grüne Alexander van der Bellen. Welche potenziell unumkehrbaren Folgen diese Entscheidung für die Zukunft von Liberalität und Pluralismus in unserem Nachbarland im Süden mit sich bringt, hat hier kürzlich Theo Öhlinger erläutert. Da wird einem schon schwummrig genug. Aber mir scheint, die Bedeutung dieser Entscheidung geht aber noch weit über diese Folgen für Österreich hinaus. Hier stellen sich in nie dagewesener Schärfe zwei Vorstellungen wohl geordneter Gesellschaft zur Wahl, deren Gegensatz so oder ähnlich in ganz Europa zunehmend die Politik dominiert. In Österreich – und das ist das Neue, das gab es noch nie, selbst in Polen nicht in dieser Schärfe – wird dieser Gegensatz jetzt tatsächlich majoritär entschieden, mit Geltungsanspruch für das ganze Land: So. Oder so.

03 Mai 2016

Gianluigi Bizioli

Tax Transparency: too little, too late

As far as individuals are concerned, international problems can be tackled through increased tax cooperation and transparency. As to corporations, on the other hand, taxing multinational groups at arm’s length together with an increase of tax cooperation would not solve the problems of global tax law. In this case, the problem lies in the structural principles behind international taxation of multinational groups and, therefore, a reaction based only on tax transparency is clearly insufficient.

02 Mai 2016

Vigjilenca Abazi

Leaked Transparency and Whistleblowers

The ability of organisational insiders to speak up and disclose information in the public interest is at the core democratic values. It seems paradoxical then to punish and prosecute those who actively practice them. The time is ripe to establish a legal framework with clear requirements for protected disclosure that affords a wide protection to individuals who expose wrongdoing in the public interest.

27 April 2016

Stephen B. Cohen

Tax Evasion and Human Rights

The United Nations Covenant should be interpreted to prohibit state mandated bank secrecy, which facilitates tax evasion by wealthy residents of the developing world. In other words, bank secrecy laws of Lichtenstein, Panama, and Switzerland, for example, violate internationally recognized human rights.

26 April 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Pluralismus-Lehrstunde für die Türkei

Mit zwei wichtigen Entscheidungen, eine davon sogar epochal wichtig, versucht der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte in Straßburg heute, die Türkei auf den Pfad zu Pluralismus und Rechtsstaatlichkeit zu lenken. Beide betreffen Regelwerke und Rechtspraktiken, die dem Staat erheblichen Spielraum gewähren, je nach Nützlichkeit und Laune so oder anders zu entscheiden. Beide verschaffen Minderheiten, vor denen der Staat Angst hat, Schutz. Beide hindern den Staat daran, sich um ihrer besseren Lenkbarkeit willen eine uniforme Gesellschaft zu schaffen. Beide werden der Türkei noch schwer zu schaffen machen.

Reuven S. Avi-Yonah, Gianluca Mazzoni

If the U.S., the European Union, and Japan were to agree to impose a tax on income flows to tax havens, the tax-evasion problem would largely be solved without the need for cooperation from the havens. Using a 30 percent tax will do the trick. What prevents this obvious solution from happening is that the U.S. is willing to aid and abet tax evasion by Europeans, while the EU is willing to aid and abet tax evasion by Americans. This reflects the political power of the rich on both sides of the Atlantic.

Ronen Palan

The Panama Papers: Six Preliminary Observations

The Panama papers is a treasure trove of information on the activities and clientele of a large, but not atypical, legal firm operating in an offshore financial centre or the tax haven of Panama. It follows a series of spectacular leaks by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists that included the Lichtenstein leak, HSBC, the Lux-leaks and now the Panama papers. What have we learned from this latest leak so far?

02 April 2016

Giancarlo Anello

Freedom of Religion vs Islamophobia: Lombardy’s “Anti-Mosque Law” is Unconstitutional

While islamophobia is on the rise after the carnages of Paris and Bruxelles, recent developments in Italy may foster the confidence in the freedom of religion of European Muslims. In a ground-breaking decision, the Italian Constitutional Court has nullified a regional “anti-mosques law” enacted by the Lombardy Region one year ago, discriminating the Muslim community of this rich and populated area of Northern Italy.

31 März 2016

Armin von Bogdandy

How to protect European Values in the Polish Constitutional Crisis

Does the Polish development concern us — the European citizens and the European institutions we have set up? There is a functional and a normative argument to state that it does. The normative argument is that the European Union organizes a community of states that profess allegiance to a set of fundamental values—among others, democracy, the rule of law, and human rights. The functional reason is that the European legal space presupposes mutual trust. European law operates on the presumption that all institutions are law-abiding. Otherwise, the legal edifice crumbles.

30 März 2016

Anna ?ledzi?ska-Simon

Paradoxes of Constitutionalisation: Lessons from Poland

This comment aims to explain a number of paradoxes of constitutionalization on the example of the current constitutional crisis in Poland. It attempts to demonstrate that this crisis is not only political in its nature, but structural as it results from the inherent tension between the concept of rule of law, democracy and human rights. It is also argued that the success of constitutionalization as a global project depends on strong social endorsement of constitutional institutions and practices, including judicial review.

29 März 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Pressefreiheit im Strafprozess und ihre Grenzen

Die heutige Entscheidung Bédat v. Schweiz des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte lässt sich für Journalisten, die ein waches Gefühl für liberale Freiheitsrechte und ein noch wacheres für ihre eigenen professionellen Interessen besitzen, leicht skandalisieren: "Straßburg lässt die Pressefreiheit im Stich!" wäre eine mögliche Überschrift. "Straßburg billigt Kriminalisierung von Justizberichterstattern!" eine andere. Ich bin auch ein professioneller Journalist, und in punkto Sorge um liberale Freiheitsrechte lasse ich mich für gewöhnlich ungern von irgendwem übertreffen. Trotzdem, oder gerade deswegen, komme ich zu einem anderen Schluss: Ich halte das heutige Urteil der Großen Kammer für richtig.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

“Emergency Constitutional Review”: thinking the unthinkable? A Letter from America

With the constitution and the rule of law in Poland under systemic attack and the Constitutional Court weakened by the refusal of the government to publish its decisions, ordinary judges should step in and, if need be, declare unconstitutional laws inapplicable by themselves. An example for this sort of emergency constitutional review has already been set by the Polish Supreme Court in a decision of March 17th.

22 März 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Beschütze uns, Europa!

Euroskeptiker rufen nach den Anschlägen von Brüssel schriller denn je nach einer Renationalisierung der Sicherheitspolitik. Dabei scheint das Gegenteil viel plausibler: Um uns vor grenzüberschreitendem Terror effektiv zu schützen, ist Europa zu schwach und nicht zu stark.

17 März 2016

Hungary’s Struggle: In a Permanent State of Exception

The Hungarian government has called for a referendum on EU relocation quota plan and declared a “nationwide migrant crisis”. The justification given by the government for these measures was the “massive immigration” which “endangers the jobs of Hungarians and redraws Hungary’s cultural and religious identity”. The argument went that, due to a “migrant crisis” the Hungarian government needed a greater room for maneuvre, not limited by constitutional constraints, in order to manage the crisis. This argument presupposes that, as a result of the migrant crisis, Hungary has ended up in a state of exception, when constitutional guarantees have to be limited or suspended; essential powers have to be concentrated in the hands of the prime minister, until the crisis is overcome.

Paulina Starski

The Power of the Rule of Law: The Polish Constitutional Tribunal’s Forceful Reaction

On 9th March ‒ just two days before the Venice Commission adopted its opinion on the same matter ‒ the Polish Constitutional Tribunal announced its judgment on the statute of 22nd December 2015 amending the Act on the Constitutional Tribunal. This legislative move resembled nothing less than a constitutional coup d’etat against the Polish judiciary and the constitutional state. Fortunately this assault encountered a forceful reaction of its designated target, the Tribunal itself. With the probably most important and in its substance most extraordinary ruling since its establishment thirty years ago the Court asserts itself as the guardian of the Polish constitution. The Court’s reasoning – widely applauded by legal scholars and practitioners – evidences one central point: The Tribunal proved to be a strong opponent within the power play of Kaczyński and its arsenal of puppets holding key public offices.

15 März 2016

Nikolaos Sitaropoulos

Rule of law in Greece buckles under institutionalised ill-treatment by law enforcement agents

Rampant police violence, institutionalized racism and a "culture of impunity": The Council of Europe Anti-Torture Committee's latest report on Greece reveals once again a shocking lack of respect for human rights and the rule of law in the Greek law enforcement system.

14 März 2016

Pro-refugee NGOs were quick to castigate the EU-Turkey refugee deal for falling foul of the EU’s on legal standards and for being an anti-humanitarian solution, in particular insofar as forced returns to Turkey are concerned. Academics also present a critical outlook reiterating the legal criticism or criticising the EU for burden-shifting. The critique highlights a number of valid concerns, but these caveats do not unmake the legal and conceptual value of the approach pursued by the EU: mass-influx scenarios require international cooperation.

James C. Hathaway

Three legal requirements for the EU-Turkey deal: An interview with JAMES HATHAWAY

"The right to decide where to seek recognition of refugee status does not entail the right to choose where international refugee protection is to be enjoyed": One of the foremost experts in international refugee law, James C. Hathaway (Michigan), gives some preliminary indications on the legality of the emerging EU-Turkey agreement on Syrian refugee resettlement.

08 März 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Einer raus, einer rein: vielleicht keine Lösung, aber immerhin Völkerrecht

Für jeden syrischen Flüchtling, den die Türkei aus Chios, Lesbos und Kos zurücknimmt, lässt die EU einen anderen syrischen Flüchtling aus der Türkei legal einreisen. Ein bewegliches Kontingent soll es geben, das den Syrern in der Türkei als legale, sichere und preiswerte Alternative zum Schlauchboot offen steht und dessen Größe schrumpft und wächst mit der Zahl der irregulär eingereisten Flüchtlinge, die die Türkei aus Griechenland wieder zurücknimmt. Das ist der Plan nach dem gestrigen EU-Gipfel in Brüssel. Pro Asyl findet ihn ganz fürchterlich. Ich bin da ehrlich gesagt nicht so sicher.

Davor Jancic

Sovereignty Safeguards in the UK-EU Settlement

The U.K.-EU settlement, despite being legally binding and only amendable with the U.K.’s consent, does little to reaffirm British sovereignty. It is primarily a set of restatements and interpretations of existing EU law with new proposals primarily in the area of social policy.

07 März 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Liav Orgad’s new book, The Cultural Defense of Nations, could hardly have appeared at a more opportune moment. It represents a systematic effort to grapple with the core issues of national identity so much on the agenda of both the classical and new lands of immigration. It seeks to do so within the framework of liberal political and social theory while turning our sympathies toward majority cultures facing the “threat” of lost identity and dominance, a loss being brought about by both immigration and the multiculturalist policies of the past generation.

28 Februar 2016

EU Law and Politics: the Rule of Law Framework

A voice from within Hungary's ruling party: György Schöpflin, Fidesz MEP and former politics professor from UCL, on the EU Commission's rule of law Framework, its activation against Poland and its use as a legal and a political tool.

24 Februar 2016

David Owen

The immigration flow’s liability

There is little doubt that the contemporary rise of populist forms of politics, especially those of the right, have targeted immigration as a key issue – and, more generally, political parties of left and right have responded to, and often stoked, perceived public concerns (however ill-founded) concerning immigration through efforts designed to highlight and demarcate the privileges of citizenship. In his timely response to this phenomenon, Liav Orgad aims to offer an account of majority rights that is, he thinks, missing from contemporary political theory and that can differentiate justifiable and unjustifiable ways in which the majority culture can defend its dominant standing and, hence, the rights it should (and should not) possess.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Schweiz: Diktatur der Mehrheit reloaded

Am Sonntag stimmen die Schweizer_innen über die so genannte "Durchsetzungsinitiative" ab. Aus diesem Anlass und vielen weiteren, die alle einzeln aufzuzählen mich in die Depression stürzen lassen würde, stelle ich erneut auf den Blog, was ich vor mehr als sechs Jahren zum Thema "Wir sind das Volk" geschrieben habe.

Paul Blokker

Cultural majorities, constitutional essentials, and cosmopolitan citizenship

Liav Orgad’s idea of a two-stage process of the regulation of immigration and access to citizenship in The Cultural Defense of Nations appears sensible and on first sight largely agreeable. But a more careful positioning of the argument regarding democratic theory and sociological understandings of nationalism brings out aspects that problematize some of its key assumptions and that reveal a risk of counter-productivity. In this, the argument might be less original than claimed and the specific version of a liberal theory of cultural defense less fit for socio-culturally complex democratic societies, in particular within the European context. I will briefly touch upon three dimensions that seem to me problematic: the notions of majority culture and cultural defense; the notion of constitutional identity as used in the book; and the problem of constitutional populism.

23 Februar 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Grundrechte sind für Menschen da, nicht für Staaten. Das ist nach deutscher Verfassungsdoktrin so selbstverständlich, dass man sich kaum traut es hinzuschreiben. Der Staat hat keine Grundrechte, kann schon aus denklogischen Gründen keine haben. Grundrechte binden die öffentliche Gewalt: Sie sollen ihr nicht Freiheit geben, sondern welche nehmen. Gilt das auch für europäische Grundrechte? Das könnte zweifelhaft erscheinen, wenn man das heute verkündete Urteil Bank Mellat des Europäischen Gerichtshofs ansieht.

Mathias Hong

Human Dignity and Constitutional Identity: The Solange-III-Decision of the German Constitutional Court

As long as the German constitution is in force, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany intends to enforce the right to human dignity, law of the European Union not withstanding. It is going to enforce that right not only against conflicting Union law if necessary, but also parallel to its European protections. That is the central message of the court's historic decision of January 26th, 2016, in its second European arrest warrant case.

Eric Kaufmann

Why majority cultural preferences should shape, but not determine, immigration policy

Liav Orgad writes convincingly that the issue of cultural rights for majorities has been thrust into view by immigration. No longer can a white French or German person think of her ethnic identity and national identity as one and the same. In the introduction to Rethinking Ethnicity: majority groups and dominant minorities (2004), and again in Political Demography (2012), I argue that migration and differential ethnic birth rates are driving a wedge between the ethnic majority and ‘its’ nation-state.

17 Februar 2016

Marton Varju, Veronika Czina

26 Januar 2016

Maximilian Steinbeis

Über Kosmopoliten und Patrioten, Polen und Brandenburger und Berliner, über die Grenzen zwischen ihnen und Grenzen generell und die prekäre Möglichkeit, über sie hinweg halbwegs vernünftig miteinander zurechtzukommen.

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

Polish Constitutional crisis goes to Europe – or does it?

The latest move by the Polish government in its attempt to disembowel the Constitutional Court looks, on first sight, like a conciliatory gesture: The Minister of Foreign Affairs has submitted two proposals amending the Act on the Constitutional Court to examination by the Venice Commission, the expert body on constitutional issues of the Council of Europe. Does this turn to Europe signal a change of heart in the revolutionary zeal on the part of the Polish government? Not so fast. On closer inspection, the request appears conspicuously ambiguous. The motion does not even specify in sufficient detail what text(s) the Venice Commission is to provide its opinion on.

23 Dezember 2015

Arkadiusz Radwan

Chess-boxing around the Rule of Law: Polish Constitutionalism at Trial

In the conflict between the Polish government and the constitutional court, we are watching a sort of chess-boxing, a hybrid game consisting of rounds in chess and boxing, where the parties attempt to outsmart the opponent and if this doesn’t help, they simply punch. Contravention of the division of powers and disregard for the idea of limited government has repeatedly been perpetrated by the ruling party Law & Justice and “their” President Duda. It remains to be seen if the attempts made are understood by the perpetrators as a tool to facilitate party’s short-term objectives or as an ultimate goal to redesign Poland’s institutional order.

18 Dezember 2015

Tomasz Tadeusz Koncewicz

Brian Christopher Jones, Paolo Sandro

The Conservatives’ 2015 Fiscal Charter: A Wanting Desire for Constitutional Change

18 November 2015

Carolyn Moser

Awakening dormant law – or the invocation of the European mutual assistance clause after the Paris attacks

After the terrorist attacks of November 13th, France has invoked the mutual assistance clause in the European Treaty. What does this clause actually imply? The short answer to this question is that nobody precisely knows. The statement made by the French Defence Minister on 17 November qualified the invocation of Article 42(7) TEU as a mainly political act – implying that it is symbolic in nature. This, however, is not the whole story. France is requesting her European neighbours to stand united against external security threats – not only by declaratory statements, but by concrete military commitments. This demand, in turn, will impact on the future course of European security and defence, a policy which France has always been keen to enhance.

Andrew Duff

The overall message looks puzzling. First, privacy is a super-fundamental right that reigns supreme above all other rights after the Court’s decision in Schrems. Second, national electoral rules governing the right to vote in elections to the European Parliament come under the scope of application of the Charter, but Member States can restrict such a right as long they do so in a proportionate way, says the Court in Delvigne. And third, illegal immigrants who have already been ordered to abandon the territory of the EU can be subject to criminal prosecution if they ever return, according to the Court in Celaj. In sum, Privacy is a super-fundamental right. The right to vote is quite super, but not as much. The rights to liberty and free movement are not super at all, at least when they concern third country nationals. Is this the kind of case-law one would expect from a fundamental rights court? Does this make any sense at all? Maybe it does.

Franz C. Mayer

The Force awakens – The Schrems case from a German perspective

Just like Star Wars, the "Solange" saga about German constitutional order’s approach to fundamental rights protection in the context of European integration appeared as a story told and settled. But now there are rumours that in Germany Solange Episode III is in the making, with a release date around 2016. The ECJ’s Schrems decision will bring some turmoil to the Solange Episode III production in Germany.

12 Oktober 2015

Gero Ziegenhorn, Katharina von Heckel

The Schrems Judgement: New Challenges for European and international companies

In Schrems the CJEU has declared the Safe-Harbor-Decision of the European Commission invalid whilst strengthening the EU fundamental rights. The Court has done so with astonishing clarity. Although the matter is about Facebook Ireland’s transfer of data to servers of Facebook, Inc. in the U.S., it, ironically, will not be Facebook but companies of the European “old economy” that will have to face severe consequences in the aftermath of this landmark judgement. In many cases of every day data processing in the business world, the consent of data subjects will be impossible to obtain. It is at the same time nearly impossible to prevent data to be transferred outside the EU. Hence, a vast number of data processing operations which were lawful before Schrems are now illegal.

Georgios Dimitropoulos

Path dependencies of nudging, and how to overcome them

In a thought-provoking comment on the legitimacy of nudging, Towfigh and Traxler rightly point out that nudges have many facets. As a result, their legitimacy has to be judged case by case. Responding partly to Towfigh and Traxler and partly to the broader issue of the legitimacy of nudging, I want to distinguish between two aspects that are raised in the comment: firstly, public and legal legitimacy and secondly, legitimacy among legal professionals.

Gunnar Folke Schuppert

Wer befürchtet hatte, dass das kein gutes Ende nimmt mit dem erneuten Versuch der Landesinnenminister, die NPD in Karlsruhe verbieten zu lassen, hat heute neue Nahrung für seine Sorgen erhalten: Das Bundesverfassungsgericht hat einen Beschluss veröffentlicht, wonach der Zweite Senat genauere Belege dafür anfordert, dass diesmal wirklich keine von Polizei und Nachrichtendiensten gesteuerte Spitzel die Erkenntnislage über die Verfassungsfeindlichkeit der Partei verunreinigen. Es sieht so aus, als ob der Senat jedenfalls keine lockereren Maßstäbe anlegt als die dreiköpfige Richterminderheit, die 2003 das Verfahren zu Fall brachte.

Daniel Halberstam

Plural Constitutionalism as Theory and Method: A Reply to Critics

I enjoyed the exchange on my article providing a qualified constitutional defense of Opinion 2/13. I will not delve into a point-by-point rebuttal of the critics here. Instead, I shall make three quick points and end with a methodological challenge in the interest of moving forward.

18 März 2015

Maximilian Steinbeis

Schweigende Mütter, zahlende (Schein-)Väter und der Unterschied zwischen einem Grundrechtseingriff und einer blöden Situation

Die so genannten Scheinväter sind unbestreitbar in einer blöden rechtlichen Situation: Sie haben womöglich jahrelang Unterhalt für das Kind gezahlt, den sie gar nicht hätten zahlen müssen, während der wahre Vater sich einen schlanken Fuß gemacht hat. Sie hätten zwar das Recht, denselben in Regress zu nehmen – aber um das machen zu können, müssten sie erst einmal wissen, um wen es sich überhaupt handelt. Und das weiß oft allein die Mutter. Und die will es nicht sagen. Kann man in so einer Situation die Mutter zwingen, den Namen rauszurücken? Ja, sagte 2011 der Bundesgerichtshof. Nein, sagt heute das Bundesverfassungsgericht. Grund: eine blöde rechtliche Situation ist kein Grundrechtseingriff. Jemanden zu zwingen, offenzulegen, mit wem man Sex hatte, schon.

17 März 2015

Maximilian Steinbeis

Nach dem Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, dass das Erbschaftsteuergesetz in seiner bisherigen Form verfassungswidrig ist, scheint die Konsequenz für den Gesetzgeber klar: Jetzt muss er halt ein dauerhaft verfassungsmäßiges Erbschaftsteuerrecht schaffen. Aber das wird man womöglich nicht erwarten können. Ja, mehr noch: vielleicht SOLLTE man das gar nicht erwarten können. Mit diesem staunenswerten Befund hat mich gestern eine Veranstaltung der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung konfrontiert, bei der der Heidelberger Steuerrechts-Chefeschatologe Paul Kirchhof und seine Bayreuther Nemesis Oliver Lepsius mal wieder auf das Lebhafteste aufeinanderprallten.

Ilya Levin, Michael Schwarz

At a crossroads: Russia and the ECHR in the aftermath of Markin

As part of Verfassungsblog’s topical focus on the prevailing tensions between international and national constitutional law, we go east and take a look at Russia and its unsteady relationship with the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) – particularly the lately arisen tensions between the Russian Constitutional Court (CCR) and Strasbourg in the wake of the ECtHR’s decision in the Markin case. First, and in a more general manner, we briefly review the theories conceptualizing the relationship between domestic and international law, which traditionally go by the names of monism and dualism. In doing so, we do not miss the point that, as national constitutional practice in a variety of member states of the ECHR shows, conceptual clarity in terms of commitment to one or the other grand theory is often blurred, if not contradicted (I.). Clearly, Russia is no exception (II.). The Markin case marks a turning point in the relationship between the CCR and the ECtHR as Strasbourg, for the first time, overruled a decision of the CCR, which spurred a heated constitutional debate. The repercussions are yet to be seen (III.).

27 Januar 2015

Maximilian Steinbeis

Liberalisierung der Leihmutterschaft: Straßburg legt nach

Staaten, die Leihmutterschaft bekämpfen und verbieten wollen, dürfen das tun – aber sie dürfen diesen Kampf nicht auf dem Rücken des Kindes austragen. Im letzten Sommer hat der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte entschieden, dass die Staaten vor lauter Empörung nicht so tun dürfen, als habe ein von einer Leihmutter ausgetragenes Kind nicht einmal einen biologischen Vater mehr. Und erst im Dezember hat der Bundesgerichtshof daraus für Deutschland die Konsequenzen gezogen. Heute hat der Straßburger Gerichtshof eine Kammerentscheidung veröffentlicht, die zeigt, wie weit der Gerichtshof diese Linie zu treiben bereit ist.

24 Januar 2015

Giovanna De Minico

A Tale of Two States: Rule of Law in the Age of Terrorism

As a reaction to the recent terrorist attacks in France, several EU member states as well as the EU itself have announced significant anti-terrorism measures. To fear, which is the first result of terrorism, the state has to respond with the wisdom of a legislator, which should not act under the pressure of understandable emotional feelings. The State of Terror wants to spread chilling fear and make people feel alone and without protection by the State of Law. The State of Law should respond by educating its community to the values of legality, tolerance and solidarity. Its duty, in times of fear, is an ethical rather than a police one; it has to make the people leave their isolation and facilitate their social and political inclusion. This action requires concrete actions by political decision-makers.

22 Januar 2015

Maximilian Steinbeis

Mehr Akzeptanz für Europa – ein verfassungspolitisches Problem?

Die Zahl der Menschen in Europa, die der europäischen Integration tatsächlich am liebsten den Hals umdrehen würden, hat ein Ausmaß erreicht, das wir nicht mehr ignorieren können. In Frankreich würde, wenn jetzt Europawahlen wären, der Front National zur stärksten Partei, in Großbritannien ist es die UKIP bereits. Wir müssen etwas machen. Nur was? An dieser Frage scheiden sich im Verfassungsrecht die Geister. Das wurde bei einer höchst lohnenden Veranstaltung am Wissenschaftskolleg hier in Berlin mit Dieter Grimm, Christoph Möllers und Deirdre Curtin zum Thema "Legitimationsressourcen und Legitimationsdefizite der EU" offenbar.

Panel 3: Choice and Regulation in Financial Markets

Photos and a video of the discussion.

Cass Sunstein, Alexander Winterstein, Johanna Wolff,

Panel 2: Choice as Experience – Case Studies

Photos and a video of the discussion.

Sabrina Artinger, Benedikt Herrmann, , Emanuel V. Towfigh

Panel 1: Risk, Choice and Autonomy – Behavioral Economics and Choice Architectures

Photos and a video of the discussion.

Mark Speich,

Disclosure mandates are often considered to be the least paternalistic of all regulatory techniques. Indeed, information provision is believed to enhance both autonomy and efficiency by facilitating more informed decisionmaking. According to this traditional approach, disclosure regulation – a key instrument in the Nudge toolbox – is beyond reproach. Legitimacy concerns might be raised with respect to other Nudge-type interventions (specifically, the setting of default rules), but not disclosure. I propose a two-pronged challenge to this conventional wisdom.

07 Januar 2015

Anne van Aaken

Constitutional Limits to Paternalistic Nudging in Germany

Nudges with paternalistic aims pose special legal problems in liberal States. Surprisingly, the discussion on regulation-by-nudging has not focused on the constitutional limits to nudging. Although the property rights of firms potentially infringed by nudging measures are dealt with in the literature and by (international) courts (e.g. the tobacco cases), the potential infringement of the rights of those being nudged is neglected. But judges may at one point be confronted with a nudge regulation challenged by the individuals being nudged; and even before reaching a court, the legality of nudging should be scrutinised by legislators. I explore the legal limits of paternalistic nudging under the German Constitution, especially the right to freedom of action and self-determination under Art. 2 (1) German Basic Law.

Uwe Volkmann

Educating Citizens: The Choice for Paternalism

Liberal political philosophy has two alternative options in principle: It can either stick to its original theorems such as the harm principle or the separation of law and morals and from here try to prove large parts of present social and political reality as wrong, illegitimate, dangerous etc. The other option is trying to adjust the original theorems to the apparent needs of modern societies, which is what I would prefer in the long run.

On the justification and possibilities of soft paternalism

Three theses on the justification and moral problems of soft paternalism.

06 Januar 2015

Johanna Wolff

Soft state influence on family life – Irrelevant for the parents` fundamental rights?

The German basic law’s concept of constitutional liberties is difficult to reconcile with an idea of citizens who need to be told by the state what is better for them. Insofar as nudges and incentives affect fundamental rights, the government has to invoke public interests and cannot justify its measures on grounds of the assumed interests of the addressees.

Christopher McCrudden

Nudging and human dignity

Cass Sunstein’s "Why Nudge?" presents a proposal for nudging as an alternative to traditional regulatory mandates and economic incentive-based regulation. I shall suggest that nudging creates considerable tensions with thick conceptions of human dignity.

05 Januar 2015

Jeff King

Why not Nudge?

Now as ever, I agree with Cass Sunstein’s views on many matters. I above all agree that nudging is compatible with any defensible liberal idea of autonomy, and especially with the undeniable claim that nudges can often enhance autonomy in the empire of caveat emptor. Indeed, my concern is that libertarian paternalism is too libertarian, not too paternalistic.

Opinion 2/13 has already spurred outrage throughout the blogosphere. I concur with the statements published on this site: none of the Court’s arguments is compelling, some can be attributed to its exaggerated cautiousness, some, however, are utterly ill-founded. My contribution will focus on the ECJ’s statements under the caption ‘The specific characteristics and the autonomy of EU law’ (starting at marginal number 179) which I consider to be those with the most glaring blunders and misapprehensions.

Anne Peters

Darf eine Bundesministerin einer konkurrierenden Partei öffentlich Misserfolg wünschen? Das darf sie nicht, so das Bundesverfassungsgericht in der jüngsten Folge der beliebten Serie "Wie die NPD sich auf ihren letzten Metern noch mal um das Grundgesetz verdient macht". Genauer gesagt: Das darf sie nicht, soweit sie tatsächlich als Bundesministerin spricht. Sonst schon.

Nico Krisch

The Backlash against International Courts

International courts seem to be living in hard times. The [...]

15 Dezember 2014

Hans Michael Heinig

Is there an Ethics of Nudging?

Is nudging – the act of pushing someone in a certain direction in his or her own interest – not just a matter of "could" but of "should"? Cass Sunstein, one of the protagonists of the nudging debate, spoke last week at a conference held by the Federal Department of Justice. The question of the legitimacy of nudging hardly mattered at that conference, though – a question that will be hopefully addressed more comprehensively at the Verfassungsblog Nudging conference in January.

Filippo Fontanelli

Damage-assessment on the building of international law after the Italian Constitutional Court’s decision no. 238 of 2014: no structural damage, just wear and tear.

This symposium invites reflections on the intercourse between national courts [...]

11 Dezember 2014

17 September 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Obama hat es getan, Cameron hat es getan, und jetzt [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

“Nudging” arrives in Germany

Obama did it, Cameron too, and now Germany seems determined [...]

22 August 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ein paar ketzerische Gedanken zur Ausbürgerung

Ausbürgerung. Es gibt wenig Worte, die – insbesondere in Deutschland [...]

30 Juli 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Fünf Jahre Verfassungsblog

Heute vor fünf Jahren hat dieser Blog das Licht der Welt erblickt.

Maximilian Steinbeis

Five Years of Verfassungsblogging

Five years ago this blog first saw the light of day.

24 Juli 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

The German Council of Sciences and Humanities calls for an [...]

Christian Djeffal

A Commentary on Commentaries: The Wissenschaftsrat on Legal Commentaries and Beyond

‘In the beginning was the word, the commentary followed swiftly…’ This wisecrack applies to many academic disciplines and it certainly applies to German legal academia. There are great many commentaries. As the Wissenschaftsrat very closely observed the practices of German legal academia, it also inquired into the genre of commentaries. What was there to say?

28 Juni 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Deutschland wird sein Regime zur Leihmutterschaft ändern müssen

Der EGMR hat in zwei französischen Fällen gefordert, von Leihmüttern im Ausland ausgetragenen Kindern nicht die Anerkennung als Kinder ihrer faktischen Eltern zu verwehren. Das dürfte auch in Deutschland Folgen haben.

19 Juni 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Fünf Gemeinplätze über rechtswissenschaftliche Blogs, und was von ihnen zu halten ist: Teil 2

Teil 2 meiner Betrachtungen anlässlich der Blog-Tagung in Paris: Sind Blogs der Triumph der halbinformierten Masse über die professionelle Spezialistenelite? Lenkt Bloggen Wissenschaftler von ihrem Kerngeschäft ab? Taugen Blogs zum Präsentieren von Forschungsergebnissen?

18 Juni 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Fünf Gemeinplätze zu rechtswissenschaftlichen Blogs, und was von ihnen zu halten ist

In einigen Wochen wird dieser Blog fünf Jahre alt. Der Geburtstag ist zwar erst am 30. Juli, und sich selbst zu gratulieren, bevor der Tag überhaupt da ist, bringt bekanntlich doppelt Unglück. Deshalb will ich mich damit gar nicht aufhalten, sondern lieber aufschreiben, was mir anlässlich einer kleinen Tagung in Paris durch den Kopf geht, an der ich am Montag teilnehmen durfte. Sie fand an der Ecole Normale Supérieure statt und versammelte ein gutes Dutzend französischer Juristinnen und Juristen teils mit aktivem, teils mit beobachtendem Interesse am Tagungsthema, nämlich: "Les blogs juridiques".

16 Juni 2014

Alexandra Kemmerer

In der Mehrzahl der deutschen Bundesländer werden Migranten, die in [...]

Pasquale Pasquino

Fünf Fragen zur Europawahl und zum “Spitzenkandidaten”-Prozess: Antworten von PASQUALE PASQUINO

Fünf sehr kurze Antworten des New Yorker Verfassungstheoretikers Pasquale Pasquino auf unsere fünf Fragen zum Vorhaben der europäischen Parteien, Spitzenkandidaten für das Amt des Kommissionspräsidenten zu nominieren.Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process.

Pasquale Pasquino

Five Questions on the EP elections and the “Spitzenkandidat” process: Answers by PASQUALE PASQUINO

Five very brief answers by Pasquale Pasquino, political scientist from New York, to our five questions on the "Spitzenkandidat" process.

29 April 2014

Marco Dani

Über unsere Grundrechte brauchen wir uns anscheinend keine großen Sorgen [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

EGMR schützt Meinungsfreiheit von Anti-Neonazi-Aktivisten

Wer Bürgermeister werden will, muss sich mehr an Kritik gefallen [...]

Steffen Hindelang

Investor-state dispute settlement – Pulling the chain tighter

Since the 1970s, almost any bilateral and regional investment treaty has provided for investor-state dispute settlement (“ISDS”). Based on these agreements, foreign investors can commence international arbitration against their host states, claiming administrative, regulatory, or judicial measures are in violation of substantive investment protection standards. At a global level rising numbers of investor-state disputes and newly signed investment agreements suggest the continuous importance and attractiveness of this dispute settlement mechanism. Yet, we also see contestations. A few countries did not renew or even terminated existing investment instruments. Others have withdrawn from the ICSID-Convention. What does this mean for the European Union? Simply carrying on appears no sustainable option anymore. Since the 1970s, almost any bilateral and regional investment treaty has provided for investor-state dispute settlement (“ISDS”). Based on these agreements, foreign investors can commence international arbitration against their host states, claiming administrative, regulatory, or judicial measures are in violation of substantive investment protection standards. At a global level rising numbers of investor-state disputes and newly signed investment agreements suggest the continuous importance and attractiveness of this dispute settlement mechanism. Yet, we also see contestations. A few countries did not renew or even terminated existing investment instruments. Others have withdrawn from the ICSID-Convention. What does this mean for the European Union? Simply carrying on appears no sustainable option anymore.

16 April 2014

The TTIP Negotiating Position of the EU Commission – a Convincing Reform Approach with some Weak Details

This article is available only in German.

Kurz nach Viktor Orbáns spektakulärem Wahltriumph bekommt die ungarische Regierung [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

Seht her: ein Verfassungsgericht!

Wir Unionsbürger haben ein Gericht, das uns vor der Polizei [...]

02 April 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

US Supreme Court: Politischen Einfluss muss man sich kaufen dürfen

Reiche US-Amerikaner haben ein Recht, so viel Geld für Wahlkampfspenden [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

Picking up some of the threads of the current debate [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

Bundesgericht pfeift “Schweizermacher” zurück

Die Schweiz hat im Moment, wenn es um “Fremde” geht, [...]

26 Februar 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

NPD darf am Holocaust-Gedenktag gegen Euro demonstrieren

Heute hat die NPD wirklich Grund zum Feiern. Nicht nur [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

The debate on the Wissenschaftsrat-Report has quickly turned into one [...]

Ralf Michaels

Free Trade in Legal Scholarship?

I want to decline Rob Howse’s invitation to talk about [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

Schweizer Bundesgericht: “Sauausländer” ist nicht diskriminierend

Wenn ein Polizist einen des Taschendiebstahls verdächtigen Algerier bei seiner [...]

21 Februar 2014

Beyond curricular design: why internationalisation matters in legal education

A few years ago, a New York Times editorial declared: [...]

20 Februar 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Vom Recht, auf die Mehrdeutigkeit des Gesetzes vertrauen zu können

Der Gesetzgeber sagt, was das Gesetz ist. Sollte man meinen. [...]

Robert Howse

Residual Anxieties – A Reply to Ralf Michaels

Ralf Michaels describes me as having “taken offense” to his [...]

Ralf Michaels

Culture, Institutions, and Comparison of Legal Education and Scholarship—A Response to Rob Howse

In a post on verfassungsblog.de I compare two reports on [...]

Christopher McCrudden

A Comment on the Use of Foreign Professors in the German Council of Science and Humanities Report

The main issue I wish to focus on in this [...]

19 Februar 2014

Maximilian Steinbeis

Karlsruhe setzt kreativem Umgang mit Ordnungsgeldern Grenzen

Wenn ein Unternehmen gar keinen Aufsichtsrat hat, darf es nicht [...]

Robert Howse

Wie schön: Die EU-Richtlinie zur Vorratsdatenspeicherung verletzt unser Grundrecht auf Privatsphäre, so der EuGH-Generalanwalt Pedro Cruz Villalón heute in seinen Schlussanträgen. Das ist sicher schon mal eine gute Nachricht - doch ob sie so gut ist, wie z.B. Heribert Prantl glaubt, da bin ich mir nicht so sicher. Zunächst: Einen so dunklen Text wie diese Schlussanträge habe ich lange nicht mehr gelesen. Eine große Wolke von Fragezeichen schwebt über meinem brummenden Schädel.

11 Dezember 2013

Maximilian Steinbeis

Ist der SPD-Mitgliederentscheid über den Koalitionsvertrag demokratiefeindlich? Beschädigt er das [...]

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28 November 2013

Maximilian Steinbeis

EGMR stärkt Informationsfreiheit von NGOs gegenüber dem Staat

Wer als Journalist oder NGO gelegentlich vom Staat Informationen will, [...]

Systemic infringement action: mind the particulars – and go for the big picture

While I agree with Kim Scheppelle’s "systemic infringement action" proposal, I am not so sure that it can be accomplished under the existing legal authority. Or better put, the prevailing understanding of what EU Treaties allow the Commission to do requires a much deeper transformation of the Commission’s role than Scheppelle suggests.

27 November 2013

Maximilian Steinbeis

Das Burka-Verbot vor dem Straßburger Gerichtshof

Anlässlich der heutigen Verhandlung heute vor dem EGMR in Sachen [...]

Maximilian Steinbeis

What can the European Union – and in particular the European Commission – do about Member States that no longer reliab